甘青方言格標記「哈」的來源

This article deals with the origin of the dative-accusative marker xa in Gan-Qing dialects. After checking two main ideas about the origin of xa in the literature, we propose the hypothesis that xa came from the Chinese locative postposition ɕia 下 and in contact with Tibetan, it was first used as a...

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Bibliographic Details
Published inLanguage and linguistics (Taipei) Vol. 20; no. 3; p. 493
Main Authors Zhou, Chenlei, 周晨磊
Format Journal Article
LanguageChinese
Published Taipei John Benjamins Publishing Company 01.01.2019
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ISSN1606-822X
2309-5067
DOI10.1075/lali.00042.zho

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Summary:This article deals with the origin of the dative-accusative marker xa in Gan-Qing dialects. After checking two main ideas about the origin of xa in the literature, we propose the hypothesis that xa came from the Chinese locative postposition ɕia 下 and in contact with Tibetan, it was first used as a dative marker and can mark some “objects”. Then xa was further extended to the accusative, leading to a dative-accusative syncretism that cannot be found in either Tibetan or Altaic languages. In the case marking systems of Gan-Qing dialects, xa emerged in the earlier contact with Tibetan, while ablative and instrumental markers are the product of the later contact with Altaic languages.
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ISSN:1606-822X
2309-5067
DOI:10.1075/lali.00042.zho