源於複雜性的凸顯性：捕捉天津方言二字組變調規律

天津方言高低升降四個基本調形，兩兩組合成十六個二字組，當中有六種產生變 調。變調之所以產生說法不一：一說是強行曲線原則在聲調的調形與調徵兩個不同層面 運行；一說認為是調形跨音節時平化。細察之則不難發現兩說皆有待補充，而將天津方 言視為通過聲調調形複雜性體現起右重（即抑揚格）節律乃最有效辦法。是故本文提出 主位調複雜性制約條件 (HTC) 以配合強行制約原則得出天津方言僅有的六種二字組 變調...

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Bibliographic Details
Published in語言暨語言學 Vol. 16; no. 6; pp. 891 - 926
Main Author 黃良喜(Lian-Hee Wee)
Format Journal Article
LanguageChinese
Published 台灣 中央研究院語言學研究所 01.10.2015
Subjects
A＆HCI
MEDLINE
OCP
prosodic prominence
Scopus
SSCI
THCI
Tianjin
tone complexity
tone sandhi
天津
強行曲線原則
節律主位
調複雜性
連讀變調
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ISSN1606-822X

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Summary:天津方言高低升降四個基本調形，兩兩組合成十六個二字組，當中有六種產生變 調。變調之所以產生說法不一：一說是強行曲線原則在聲調的調形與調徵兩個不同層面 運行；一說認為是調形跨音節時平化。細察之則不難發現兩說皆有待補充，而將天津方 言視為通過聲調調形複雜性體現起右重（即抑揚格）節律乃最有效辦法。是故本文提出 主位調複雜性制約條件 (HTC) 以配合強行制約原則得出天津方言僅有的六種二字組 變調
This paper explores the six ditonal sandhi that spawn from an inventory of four tones (Low, High, Rising, and Falling) in an attempt to provide an account for why only certain ditonal combinations trigger alternation but not others. Earlier accounts have relied on Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) applying to adjacent syllables both at the level of the full tone contour and also of the tonal features that comprise the contour. Another account has explained sandhi in terms of leveling across syllables so that excessive contours are avoided. A careful exploration reveals that neither of these approaches is adequate, nor are some of their stipulations necessary. Instead, a more viable solution might be found if we accept that Tianjin prosody is right-headed such that prosodic prominence is reflected through tone comple
ISSN:1606-822X