The interplay between case-drop and parallelism in Korean gapping

This experimental study examines two syntactic analyses of dative or accusative case-drop in Korean gapping (aka right-node-raising or right-peripheral ellipsis): LF copying (Abe and Hoshi 1997) and PF deletion (Kim 1997). We employ an online acceptability rating experiment to investigate to what ex...

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Bibliographic Details
Published inLinguistic research Vol. 41; no. 3; pp. 493 - 515
Main Author Kim, Jeong-Seok
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published Seoul Kyung Hee Institute for the Study of Language and Information 01.12.2024
언어정보연구소
Subjects
Acceptability
Ellipsis
Fines & penalties
Grammatical case
Korean language
Phonetic form
Syntactic analysis
Word order
언어학
Online AccessGet full text
ISSN1229-1374
DOI10.17250/khisli.41.3.202412.007

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Summary:This experimental study examines two syntactic analyses of dative or accusative case-drop in Korean gapping (aka right-node-raising or right-peripheral ellipsis): LF copying (Abe and Hoshi 1997) and PF deletion (Kim 1997). We employ an online acceptability rating experiment to investigate to what extent the acceptability of Korean gapping is modulated by case-drop of a remnant and word order between remnants. The experimental findings suggest that linear non-parallelism elicits a processing cost for gapping and case-drop is a costly operation. We argue that the parallelism effect follows from the parser's general preference to keep the structure of each conjunct maximally parallel in a coordination structure (Kim et al. 2020). Given this, we conclude that case-drop phenomena in Korean gapping are better explained by a PF deletion analysis, supplemented with extra deletion (An 2019; Erschler 2022) and ellipsis parallelism (Frazier et al. 2000; Frazier and Clifton 2001), rather than by an LF copying analysis. (Korea University)
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ISSN:1229-1374
DOI:10.17250/khisli.41.3.202412.007