Theoretical Basis of Land Value Taxation
The above conditions for a good tax system were meant to apply to taxes in general and therefore also with regard to property and land taxes.Although taxes could also be used as instruments of socio-economic leverage, or for achieving various other non-fiscal goals, due care should be taken not to d...
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Published in | Land Value Taxation pp. 15 - 32 |
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Main Authors | , |
Format | Book Chapter |
Language | English |
Published |
United Kingdom
Routledge
2005
Taylor & Francis Group |
Subjects | |
Online Access | Get full text |
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Summary: | The above conditions for a good tax system were meant to apply to taxes in
general and therefore also with regard to property and land taxes.Although taxes could also be used as instruments of socio-economic
leverage, or for achieving various other non-fiscal goals, due care should be
taken not to deviate from the above-stated principles for a good tax. In this
context it is noteworthy that land taxes are quite often suggested as useful
instruments to assist with land redistribution and/or land reform
programmes.
The historical concept of land value taxation
Put at its simplest the concept of land value taxation rests upon the premise
that only land should be taxed. As Youngman (1993) puts it, even this
simple idea can create major difficulties in political acceptability and
administrative limitations. In any society, there are three classical factors of
production, land, labour and capital. The latter two have their costs and
therefore their prices in terms of wages and interest. On the other hand,
land has no cost of production, and if land was in unlimited supply people
would pay little or indeed nothing for its use. However, land is not
unlimited in supply, it is quite the opposite being fixed in supply. This fact
creates demand for land in particular locations and therefore a value of
land. Whilst land is generally accepted to be fixed in supply, the concept of
alternative uses can create a supply shift, in that, supply for one kind of use
rather than other kinds follows its own supply versus rent curve to the point
where supply and demand equalise. The rent for land is said to constitute
two components, firstly, its transfer or opportunity cost, which is the rent ofthe land in its next best use. Secondly, an amount attributable to scarcity or
inelasticity of supply for a use in a particular location. It has been
recognised that land was a free good as opposed to labour and capital that
are never free. Therefore the market price of the products of land is
determined by the cost of labour used in their production and capital
equipment. On this basis the amount remaining for distribution as land rent
is an excess (Lindholm, 1965; Douglas, 1961)The history and economic foundations of land taxation are firmly
rooted in the early 18th and 19th centuries. The Physiocrats argued that a
particularly unique way to raise revenue was through the taxing of land
(Quesnay, 1963 (1756)). Their belief in the sterility doctrine gave rise to
the theory of ‘impost unique’. Taxation of land was justified because of the
productivity of land. From a social standpoint, therefore, the taxation of
land had positive benefits. This group of economists tended to the view that
since all taxes had to be paid out of rent, it would be sensible to replace all
other taxes by a single tax on rent. In many respects the work of the
Physiocrats laid the theoretical foundations that subsequent economists
would construct their theories of land taxation. Smith (1776) famous for his
canons of taxation made a number of important contributions to the land
tax debate differentiating the land tax between a tax on agricultural land
and a tax on ground rent to cover developed land. He found land to be
suitable for taxation, since the tax would fall on the economic surplus and
as such could not be passed onto consumers in the price of goods. |
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ISBN: | 9780754614906 0754614905 |
DOI: | 10.4324/9781315250946-9 |