Sex differences in two event-related potentials components related to semantic priming
Although sex differences in language processing are well documented in behavioral studies, only a few electrophysiological studies have explored this topic. We analyzed sex differences in two language-related components of event-related potentials (ERPs): the N400 and the Late Positive Complex (LPC)...
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Published in | Archives of sexual behavior Vol. 36; no. 4; pp. 555 - 568 |
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Main Authors | , , |
Format | Journal Article |
Language | English |
Published |
United States
Springer Nature B.V
01.08.2007
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Subjects | |
Online Access | Get full text |
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Summary: | Although sex differences in language processing are well documented in behavioral studies, only a few electrophysiological studies have explored this topic. We analyzed sex differences in two language-related components of event-related potentials (ERPs): the N400 and the Late Positive Complex (LPC). Ten men and 10 women, matched by age and handedness, participated in the study. Two semantic priming paradigms were presented: word pairs (60 congruent and 60 incongruent) and sentences (50 with congruent and 50 with incongruent ending words). In addition, the effect of context was investigated by a comparison between ERP effects obtained in single word priming and sentential priming. The N400 effect was earlier and larger in women, and the LPC effect was larger in men. Furthermore, the LPC effect in men, but not in women, was much larger with sentence priming than with word priming, suggesting that the LPC effect may be more dependent on context in men than in women. The opposite sex difference on the two ERP components indicates different underlying mechanisms. While the LPC effect is thought to be generated by purely explicit mechanisms, such as postlexical integrative processes, the N400 effect may be also governed by prelexical implicit and explicit mechanisms. Our results were consistent with the notion of more automated processing of language in women than in men. |
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Bibliography: | ObjectType-Article-1 SourceType-Scholarly Journals-1 ObjectType-Feature-2 content type line 23 ObjectType-Article-2 ObjectType-Feature-1 |
ISSN: | 0004-0002 1573-2800 |
DOI: | 10.1007/s10508-006-9161-0 |