What Does That Mean? Complementizers and Epistemic Authority

A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementi...

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Published inOpen mind (Cambridge, Mass.) Vol. 8; pp. 366 - 394
Main Authors Tollan, Rebecca, Palaz, Bilge
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published One Broadway, 12th Floor, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02142, USA MIT Press 26.03.2024
The MIT Press
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ISSN2470-2986
2470-2986
DOI10.1162/opmi_a_00135

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Abstract A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementizer in sentences like . Existing psycholinguistic analyses tie -usage to production pressures associated with sentence planning (Ferreira & Dell, ), avoidance of ambiguity (Hawkins, ), and relative information density (Jaeger, ). Building on observations from cross-linguistic fieldwork, we present a novel proposal in which English can serve to mark a speaker’s “epistemic authority” over the information packaged within the embedded clause; that is, it indicates that the speaker has more knowledge of the embedded proposition compared with their addressee and thus has a perspective that they believe their addressee doesn’t share. Testing this proposal with a forced-choice task and a series of corpus surveys, we find that English is keyed to the use of embedded speaker (first-person) subject pronouns and occurs in sentences containing newsworthy information. Our account of -optionality takes into account why is associated with both (i) a dense information signal and (ii) semantic-pragmatic content, as well as extending to cases of non-optionality in subject/sentence-initial clauses (e.g., * ) and fragment answers (e.g., * ), where is required.
AbstractList A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementizer that in sentences like I think (that) the cat followed the dog. Existing psycholinguistic analyses tie that-usage to production pressures associated with sentence planning (Ferreira & Dell, 2000), avoidance of ambiguity (Hawkins, 2004), and relative information density (Jaeger, 2010). Building on observations from cross-linguistic fieldwork, we present a novel proposal in which English that can serve to mark a speaker's "epistemic authority" over the information packaged within the embedded clause; that is, it indicates that the speaker has more knowledge of the embedded proposition compared with their addressee and thus has a perspective that they believe their addressee doesn't share. Testing this proposal with a forced-choice task and a series of corpus surveys, we find that English that is keyed to the use of embedded speaker (first-person) subject pronouns and occurs in sentences containing newsworthy information. Our account of that-optionality takes into account why that is associated with both (i) a dense information signal and (ii) semantic-pragmatic content, as well as extending to cases of non-optionality in subject/sentence-initial clauses (e.g., *(That) the cat is following the dog, I already know) and fragment answers (e.g., What do you already know? *(That) the cat is following the dog), where that is required.A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementizer that in sentences like I think (that) the cat followed the dog. Existing psycholinguistic analyses tie that-usage to production pressures associated with sentence planning (Ferreira & Dell, 2000), avoidance of ambiguity (Hawkins, 2004), and relative information density (Jaeger, 2010). Building on observations from cross-linguistic fieldwork, we present a novel proposal in which English that can serve to mark a speaker's "epistemic authority" over the information packaged within the embedded clause; that is, it indicates that the speaker has more knowledge of the embedded proposition compared with their addressee and thus has a perspective that they believe their addressee doesn't share. Testing this proposal with a forced-choice task and a series of corpus surveys, we find that English that is keyed to the use of embedded speaker (first-person) subject pronouns and occurs in sentences containing newsworthy information. Our account of that-optionality takes into account why that is associated with both (i) a dense information signal and (ii) semantic-pragmatic content, as well as extending to cases of non-optionality in subject/sentence-initial clauses (e.g., *(That) the cat is following the dog, I already know) and fragment answers (e.g., What do you already know? *(That) the cat is following the dog), where that is required.
A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementizer that in sentences like I think (that) the cat followed the dog . Existing psycholinguistic analyses tie that -usage to production pressures associated with sentence planning (Ferreira & Dell, 2000 ), avoidance of ambiguity (Hawkins, 2004 ), and relative information density (Jaeger, 2010 ). Building on observations from cross-linguistic fieldwork, we present a novel proposal in which English that can serve to mark a speaker’s “epistemic authority” over the information packaged within the embedded clause; that is, it indicates that the speaker has more knowledge of the embedded proposition compared with their addressee and thus has a perspective that they believe their addressee doesn’t share. Testing this proposal with a forced-choice task and a series of corpus surveys, we find that English that is keyed to the use of embedded speaker (first-person) subject pronouns and occurs in sentences containing newsworthy information. Our account of that -optionality takes into account why that is associated with both (i) a dense information signal and (ii) semantic-pragmatic content, as well as extending to cases of non-optionality in subject/sentence-initial clauses (e.g., * (That) the cat is following the dog, I already know ) and fragment answers (e.g., What do you already know? * (That) the cat is following the dog ), where that is required.
A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementizer in sentences like . Existing psycholinguistic analyses tie -usage to production pressures associated with sentence planning (Ferreira & Dell, 2000), avoidance of ambiguity (Hawkins, 2004), and relative information density (Jaeger, 2010). Building on observations from cross-linguistic fieldwork, we present a novel proposal in which English can serve to mark a speaker's "epistemic authority" over the information packaged within the embedded clause; that is, it indicates that the speaker has more knowledge of the embedded proposition compared with their addressee and thus has a perspective that they believe their addressee doesn't share. Testing this proposal with a forced-choice task and a series of corpus surveys, we find that English is keyed to the use of embedded speaker (first-person) subject pronouns and occurs in sentences containing newsworthy information. Our account of -optionality takes into account why is associated with both (i) a dense information signal and (ii) semantic-pragmatic content, as well as extending to cases of non-optionality in subject/sentence-initial clauses (e.g., * ) and fragment answers (e.g., * ), where is required.
A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementizer in sentences like . Existing psycholinguistic analyses tie -usage to production pressures associated with sentence planning (Ferreira & Dell, ), avoidance of ambiguity (Hawkins, ), and relative information density (Jaeger, ). Building on observations from cross-linguistic fieldwork, we present a novel proposal in which English can serve to mark a speaker’s “epistemic authority” over the information packaged within the embedded clause; that is, it indicates that the speaker has more knowledge of the embedded proposition compared with their addressee and thus has a perspective that they believe their addressee doesn’t share. Testing this proposal with a forced-choice task and a series of corpus surveys, we find that English is keyed to the use of embedded speaker (first-person) subject pronouns and occurs in sentences containing newsworthy information. Our account of -optionality takes into account why is associated with both (i) a dense information signal and (ii) semantic-pragmatic content, as well as extending to cases of non-optionality in subject/sentence-initial clauses (e.g., * ) and fragment answers (e.g., * ), where is required.
A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed. We discuss one case of optionality that has generated longstanding discussion: the choice of either using or dropping the English complementizer that in sentences like I think (that) the cat followed the dog. Existing psycholinguistic analyses tie that-usage to production pressures associated with sentence planning (Ferreira & Dell, 2000), avoidance of ambiguity (Hawkins, 2004), and relative information density (Jaeger, 2010). Building on observations from cross-linguistic fieldwork, we present a novel proposal in which English that can serve to mark a speaker’s “epistemic authority” over the information packaged within the embedded clause; that is, it indicates that the speaker has more knowledge of the embedded proposition compared with their addressee and thus has a perspective that they believe their addressee doesn’t share. Testing this proposal with a forced-choice task and a series of corpus surveys, we find that English that is keyed to the use of embedded speaker (first-person) subject pronouns and occurs in sentences containing newsworthy information. Our account of that-optionality takes into account why that is associated with both (i) a dense information signal and (ii) semantic-pragmatic content, as well as extending to cases of non-optionality in subject/sentence-initial clauses (e.g., *(That) the cat is following the dog, I already know) and fragment answers (e.g., What do you already know? *(That) the cat is following the dog), where that is required.
Author Tollan, Rebecca
Palaz, Bilge
AuthorAffiliation University of Delaware
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Keywords epistemic authority
discourse status
complementizers
that-mention/omission
corpus survey
Language English
License 2024 Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
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Snippet A core goal of research in language is to understand the factors that guide choice of linguistic form where more than one option is syntactically well-formed....
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SubjectTerms complementizers
corpus survey
discourse status
epistemic authority
mention/omission
Title What Does That Mean? Complementizers and Epistemic Authority
URI https://direct.mit.edu/opmi/article/doi/10.1162/opmi_a_00135
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/38571531
https://www.proquest.com/docview/3033008392
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/PMC10990574
https://doaj.org/article/8e28c1db1fe542d0bf67c1768819ea89
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