Multiple agreement and inversion in bantu

.  Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final pos...

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Published inSyntax (Oxford, England) Vol. 9; no. 3; pp. 275 - 289
Main Author Henderson, Brent
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published Oxford, UK Blackwell Publishing Ltd 01.12.2006
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ISSN1368-0005
1467-9612
DOI10.1111/j.1467-9612.2006.00093.x

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Abstract .  Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final position with no intermediate stops. It is argued that these facts are consistent with a Multiple Agree analysis in which agreement on participle verbs is parasitic on the φ‐features of their selecting auxiliary verbs. Carstens's arguments against Chomsky's (2000, 2001) system of φ‐complete Case checking are also discussed and a new argument against Chomsky's system is presented that demands φ and Case feature checking relations be divorced. Data come from Swahili and Kirundi.
AbstractList Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final position with no intermediate stops. It is argued that these facts are consistent with a Multiple Agree analysis in which agreement on participle verbs is parasitic on the [phi]-features of their selecting auxiliary verbs. Carstens's arguments against Chomsky's (2000, 2001) system of [phi]-complete Case checking are also discussed and a new argument against Chomsky's system is presented that demands [phi] and Case feature checking relations be divorced. Data come from Swahili and Kirundi. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]
.  Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final position with no intermediate stops. It is argued that these facts are consistent with a Multiple Agree analysis in which agreement on participle verbs is parasitic on the φ‐features of their selecting auxiliary verbs. Carstens's arguments against Chomsky's (2000, 2001) system of φ‐complete Case checking are also discussed and a new argument against Chomsky's system is presented that demands φ and Case feature checking relations be divorced. Data come from Swahili and Kirundi.
Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final position with no intermediate stops. It is argued that these facts are consistent with a Multiple Agree analysis in which agreement on participle verbs is parasitic on the theta-features of their selecting auxiliary verbs. Carstens's arguments against Chomsky's (2000, 2001) system of theta-complete Case checking are also discussed and a new argument against Chomsky's system is presented that demands theta and Case feature checking relations be divorced. Data come from Swahili and Kirundi. Adapted from the source document
Author Henderson, Brent
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Thanks to Karlos Arregi, Abbas Benmamoun, Cedric Boeckx, Eyamba Bokamba, Leonard Muaka, and Margaret Njeru, as well as the attendees of ACAL 36, NELS 36, and four anonymous
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Snippet .  Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues...
Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues...
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SubjectTerms African languages
Agreement
Auxiliary verbs
Bantu Languages
Feature checking
Grammar
Grammatical agreement
Linguistics
Minimalist Program
Movement
Swahili language
Word Order
Title Multiple agreement and inversion in bantu
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