Multiple agreement and inversion in bantu

.  Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final pos...

Full description

Saved in:
Bibliographic Details
Published inSyntax (Oxford, England) Vol. 9; no. 3; pp. 275 - 289
Main Author Henderson, Brent
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published Oxford, UK Blackwell Publishing Ltd 01.12.2006
Subjects
Online AccessGet full text
ISSN1368-0005
1467-9612
DOI10.1111/j.1467-9612.2006.00093.x

Cover

More Information
Summary:.  Carstens (2001) argues that multiple agreement constructions in Bantu arise through raising of the subject through each verb's specifier. This paper argues against this account, providing evidence from relative inversion that subjects move directly from their base position to their final position with no intermediate stops. It is argued that these facts are consistent with a Multiple Agree analysis in which agreement on participle verbs is parasitic on the φ‐features of their selecting auxiliary verbs. Carstens's arguments against Chomsky's (2000, 2001) system of φ‐complete Case checking are also discussed and a new argument against Chomsky's system is presented that demands φ and Case feature checking relations be divorced. Data come from Swahili and Kirundi.
Bibliography:istex:4D3C859DB2423A168B48B715E1BF6803FF90100C
ark:/67375/WNG-WF94ZFMS-S
ArticleID:SYNT093
Thanks to Karlos Arregi, Abbas Benmamoun, Cedric Boeckx, Eyamba Bokamba, Leonard Muaka, and Margaret Njeru, as well as the attendees of ACAL 36, NELS 36, and four anonymous
Syntax
reviewers for comments on this work and previous versions of it.
SourceType-Scholarly Journals-1
ObjectType-Feature-1
content type line 14
ObjectType-Article-1
ObjectType-Feature-2
content type line 23
ISSN:1368-0005
1467-9612
DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9612.2006.00093.x