Anaphoric definiteness marking in Korean: focusing on subject definites
This article takes a close look at subject anaphoric definites in Korean, with the goal of identifying (i) the distribution of anaphoric bare nouns and demonstrative-NPs and (ii) their form-meaning correlation. I show that the choice between an anaphoric bare noun and a demonstrative-NP is not as fr...
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Published in | Journal of East Asian linguistics Vol. 32; no. 3; pp. 373 - 409 |
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Main Author | |
Format | Journal Article |
Language | English |
Published |
Dordrecht
Springer Netherlands
01.09.2023
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Subjects | |
Online Access | Get full text |
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Summary: | This article takes a close look at subject anaphoric definites in Korean, with the goal of identifying (i) the distribution of anaphoric bare nouns and demonstrative-NPs and (ii) their form-meaning correlation. I show that the choice between an anaphoric bare noun and a demonstrative-NP is not as free as has been held in the literature (e.g., Ahn in THAT thesis: A competition mechanism for anaphoric expressions. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 2019; Simpson and Wu, in: Simpson, A (ed) New explorations in Chinese theoretical syntax: studies in honor of Yen-Hui Audrey Li. John Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp 301–330, 2022; Park in Linguist Res 39(1):25–54, 2022). I capture their distributional and interpretive properties by proposing different semantics and syntax for them. I claim that demonstratives encode a locative relation between the speaker and the definite individual at issue and that demonstrative-NPs have a different distribution than anaphoric bare nouns because they carry what I call
exophoric index
as opposed to what I call
endophoric index
(compare Jenks in Linguist Inq 49(3):501–536, 2018; Ahn in THAT thesis: A competition mechanism for anaphoric expressions. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 2019; Dayal and Jiang in Linguist Inq 54(1):147–167, 2023). I further argue that demonstrative-NPs come with a presupposition, but their presupposition is not about
anti-uniqueness
(compare Simonenko in Grammatical ingredients of definiteness. Doctoral dissertation, McGill University, 2014; Dayal and Jiang in Linguist Inq 54(1):147–167, 2023). Moreover, I classify anaphoric bare nouns into two kinds, what I call
situation-internally licensed definites
, and what I call
text-internally licensed quasi-names
, additionally suggesting a new classification of anaphoric definites as well as other types of definites in Korean. This paper has implications for the syntax/semantics of indices, the semantics/syntax/pragmatics of
weak definites
and
strong definites
, and crosslinguistic variation in definiteness marking. It also provides evidence for the existence of a functional layer above NP in bare noun languages (compare Fukui in Engl Linguist 5:249–270, 1988; Bošković, in: Walkow, Elfner (eds) Proceedings of NELS 37. GLSA, Amherst, pp 101–114, 2008). |
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ISSN: | 0925-8558 1572-8560 |
DOI: | 10.1007/s10831-023-09260-y |