The CCP’s Radio Broadcasting during the Anti-Japanese War and The Civil War

Studies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have not so far included much investigation of the Party’s media strategy. The radio broadcasts of the Chinese Nationalist Party have been the subject of much study, but there is little corresponding research about the CCP. This paper therefore examines t...

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Published inAsian Studies Vol. 54; no. 1; pp. 3 - 21
Main Author UMEMURA, Suguru
Format Journal Article
LanguageJapanese
Published Japan Association for Asian Studies 31.01.2008
一般財団法人 アジア政経学会
Online AccessGet full text
ISSN0044-9237
2188-2444
DOI10.11479/asianstudies.54.1_3

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Abstract Studies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have not so far included much investigation of the Party’s media strategy. The radio broadcasts of the Chinese Nationalist Party have been the subject of much study, but there is little corresponding research about the CCP. This paper therefore examines the operating conditions of CCP broadcasting during the Anti-Japanese War and the Civil War, and defines its characteristics in comparison with the radio broadcasts of other countries. In 1940, when the CCP started broadcasting, radio was the latest media. Radio, unlike printed media, can communicate with anyone, irrespective of literacy, and does not need to be physically delivered. These characteristics were very important for China, because most of the population were illiterate, and with no transport infrastructure it was very difficult to reach some regions—especially key CCP territories in remote mountainous lands such as the Shanganning district. For these reasons the CCP gave a great deal of thought to radio. At this time, as in Nazi Germany, the Japanese empire and the United States, radio as a propaganda tool played a major role in promoting national unity. When information was blockaded by the Nationalist Party and the Civil War, the CCP used radio for intelligence and psychological warfare. The main radio programs provided internal party communication and external propaganda to the enemy (black propaganda). The CCP noticed that there had been hostilities between Jiang Jie Shi and various regional armies. These armies surrendered, and in addition asked to surrender to the CCP. Historical material suggests that these discussions were made based on strategic considerations. Although it cannot be claimed that these propaganda programs aimed at the Nationalist Party turned the tide of the Civil War completely, once the tide of war turned against the Nationalist Party, the CCP broadcasts greatly influenced the Nationalist Party’s officers and men as they fought their last-ditch battles. Although the Nationalist army was better equipped than the CCP army, the Nationalist army soon collapsed. The CCP did not consider the general public to be their audience, because radio receivers were not widely available and standard Chinese had not spread. Most importantly, however, the CCP was not at the stage of considering national unity, because it had not yet come into power. Ironically, most of the people who met the requirements for listening to the radio were the Nationalist Party’s army and the residents of Nationalist-controlled areas. Other countries used radio to establish a system of total war, but the CCP did not follow this approach. The CCP mainly used radio as a tool for military activity.
AbstractList Studies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have not so far included much investigation of the Party’s media strategy. The radio broadcasts of the Chinese Nationalist Party have been the subject of much study, but there is little corresponding research about the CCP. This paper therefore examines the operating conditions of CCP broadcasting during the Anti-Japanese War and the Civil War, and defines its characteristics in comparison with the radio broadcasts of other countries. In 1940, when the CCP started broadcasting, radio was the latest media. Radio, unlike printed media, can communicate with anyone, irrespective of literacy, and does not need to be physically delivered. These characteristics were very important for China, because most of the population were illiterate, and with no transport infrastructure it was very difficult to reach some regions—especially key CCP territories in remote mountainous lands such as the Shanganning district. For these reasons the CCP gave a great deal of thought to radio. At this time, as in Nazi Germany, the Japanese empire and the United States, radio as a propaganda tool played a major role in promoting national unity. When information was blockaded by the Nationalist Party and the Civil War, the CCP used radio for intelligence and psychological warfare. The main radio programs provided internal party communication and external propaganda to the enemy (black propaganda). The CCP noticed that there had been hostilities between Jiang Jie Shi and various regional armies. These armies surrendered, and in addition asked to surrender to the CCP. Historical material suggests that these discussions were made based on strategic considerations. Although it cannot be claimed that these propaganda programs aimed at the Nationalist Party turned the tide of the Civil War completely, once the tide of war turned against the Nationalist Party, the CCP broadcasts greatly influenced the Nationalist Party’s officers and men as they fought their last-ditch battles. Although the Nationalist army was better equipped than the CCP army, the Nationalist army soon collapsed. The CCP did not consider the general public to be their audience, because radio receivers were not widely available and standard Chinese had not spread. Most importantly, however, the CCP was not at the stage of considering national unity, because it had not yet come into power. Ironically, most of the people who met the requirements for listening to the radio were the Nationalist Party’s army and the residents of Nationalist-controlled areas. Other countries used radio to establish a system of total war, but the CCP did not follow this approach. The CCP mainly used radio as a tool for military activity.
Author UMEMURA, Suguru
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中国中日関係史学会(2003)、『新中国に貢献した日本人たち』日本僑報社
北京広播学院新聞系(1980)、『中国報刊広播文集(1)』北京:北京広播学院新聞系
趙玉明(1992)、『中国解放区広播史』北京:中国広播電視出版社
周叔康(1988)、「東北新華広播電台的籌建経過」『佳木斯党史資料』第 5輯、33–40ページ
哈爾濱市地方志編纂委員会(1994)、『哈爾濱市志第 25巻報業広播電視』哈爾濱:黒竜江人民出版社
温済沢(1986)、『回憶延安和陝北新華広播電台』北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、44–69ページ
水谷尚子(1999)、「生きていた『延安ローズ』」『中央公論』 9月号、 194–207ページ、 10月号、 242– 254ページ
中共中央宣伝部弁公庁、中央档案館編研部(1996)、『中国共産党宣伝工作文献選編(1937–1949)』北京:学習出版社
苟在尚(1983)、「無線電広播史上的奇跡―回憶延安新華広播電台初創時期的機務工作」北京広播学院新聞系(1983)、23–31ページ
劉亦実(2004)、「鉄骨琤琤的王諍将軍」『文史春秋』7期、48–51ページ
羅清(1983)、「白山黒水傳紅波―回憶東北新華広播電台総台」北京広播学院新聞系( 1983)、166–174ページ
楊兆麟・趙玉明(1986)、『人民大衆的号角 延安(陝北)広播史話』北京:中国広播電視出版社
黒竜江省志地方志編纂委員会(1996)、『黒竜江省志第 51巻広播電視志』哈爾濱:黒竜江人民出版社
日本語
中国語
中国社会科学院新聞研究所(1980)、『中国共産党新聞工作文献彙編上巻』北京:新華出版社
北京広播学院新聞系(1985)、『延安(陝北)新華広播電台広播稿選』北京:北京広播電視出版社
満洲電信電話株式会(1997)、『満洲放送年鑑 第 1–2巻』緑蔭書房
貴志俊彦・川島真・孫安石編(2006)、『戦争・ラジオ・ 記憶』勉誠出版
梅村卓(2007)、「陝甘寧辺区における通信員、読報組政策の展開」『中国研究月報』第 61巻第1号、30–43ページ
劉雲莱(1988)、『新華社史話』北京:新華出版社
北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、『中国人民広播回憶録(続集)』北京:中国広播電視出版社
中国中日関係史学会(2005)、『続 新中国に貢献した日本人たち』日本僑報社
康敏庄(1985)、「回憶大連広播電台建台初期的状況」中共大連市党史資料征集弁公室編『解放初期的大連』、176–191ページ
中央人民広播電台研究室、北京広播学院新聞系(1985)、『解放区広播歴史資料選編(1940–1949)』北京:中国広播電視出版社
貴志俊彦(2006)、「東アジアにおける『電波戦争』の諸相」貴志俊彦・川島真・孫安石編(2006)、35–56ページ
董林(1986)、「難忘歳月、艱苦的歴程」北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、118–135ページ
甘惜分(1986)、「歴史機縁識広播」北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、323–328ページ
張文飛(1983)、「嫩江晨曲―回憶西満新華広播電台」北京広播学院新聞系(1983)、175–182ページ
趙乃喬(1983)、「東北新華広播電台誕生前後」北京広播学院新聞系(1983)、160–165ページ
References_xml – reference: 中国中日関係史学会(2005)、『続 新中国に貢献した日本人たち』日本僑報社。
– reference: 哈爾濱市地方志編纂委員会(1994)、『哈爾濱市志第 25巻報業広播電視』哈爾濱:黒竜江人民出版社。
– reference: 温済沢(1986)、『回憶延安和陝北新華広播電台』北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、44–69ページ。
– reference: 張文飛(1983)、「嫩江晨曲―回憶西満新華広播電台」北京広播学院新聞系(1983)、175–182ページ。
– reference: 趙乃喬(1983)、「東北新華広播電台誕生前後」北京広播学院新聞系(1983)、160–165ページ。
– reference: 北京広播学院新聞系(1980)、『中国報刊広播文集(1)』北京:北京広播学院新聞系。
– reference: 黒竜江省志地方志編纂委員会(1996)、『黒竜江省志第 51巻広播電視志』哈爾濱:黒竜江人民出版社。
– reference: 周叔康(1988)、「東北新華広播電台的籌建経過」『佳木斯党史資料』第 5輯、33–40ページ。
– reference: 趙玉明(1992)、『中国解放区広播史』北京:中国広播電視出版社。
– reference: 北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、『中国人民広播回憶録(続集)』北京:中国広播電視出版社。
– reference: 日本語
– reference: 中国中日関係史学会(2003)、『新中国に貢献した日本人たち』日本僑報社。
– reference: 水谷尚子(1999)、「生きていた『延安ローズ』」『中央公論』 9月号、 194–207ページ、 10月号、 242– 254ページ。
– reference: 甘惜分(1986)、「歴史機縁識広播」北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、323–328ページ。
– reference: 貴志俊彦・川島真・孫安石編(2006)、『戦争・ラジオ・ 記憶』勉誠出版。
– reference: 羅清(1983)、「白山黒水傳紅波―回憶東北新華広播電台総台」北京広播学院新聞系( 1983)、166–174ページ。
– reference: 楊兆麟・趙玉明(1986)、『人民大衆的号角 延安(陝北)広播史話』北京:中国広播電視出版社。
– reference: 貴志俊彦(2006)、「東アジアにおける『電波戦争』の諸相」貴志俊彦・川島真・孫安石編(2006)、35–56ページ。
– reference: 中央人民広播電台研究室、北京広播学院新聞系(1985)、『解放区広播歴史資料選編(1940–1949)』北京:中国広播電視出版社。
– reference: 中共中央宣伝部弁公庁、中央档案館編研部(1996)、『中国共産党宣伝工作文献選編(1937–1949)』北京:学習出版社。
– reference: 北京広播学院新聞系(1985)、『延安(陝北)新華広播電台広播稿選』北京:北京広播電視出版社。
– reference: 梅村卓(2007)、「陝甘寧辺区における通信員、読報組政策の展開」『中国研究月報』第 61巻第1号、30–43ページ。
– reference: 董林(1986)、「難忘歳月、艱苦的歴程」北京広播学院新聞系(1986)、118–135ページ。
– reference: 康敏庄(1985)、「回憶大連広播電台建台初期的状況」中共大連市党史資料征集弁公室編『解放初期的大連』、176–191ページ。
– reference: 中国社会科学院新聞研究所(1980)、『中国共産党新聞工作文献彙編上巻』北京:新華出版社。
– reference: 満洲電信電話株式会(1997)、『満洲放送年鑑 第 1–2巻』緑蔭書房。
– reference: 北京広播学院新聞系(1983)、『中国人民広播回憶録』北京:中国広播電視出版社。
– reference: 苟在尚(1983)、「無線電広播史上的奇跡―回憶延安新華広播電台初創時期的機務工作」北京広播学院新聞系(1983)、23–31ページ。
– reference: 劉雲莱(1988)、『新華社史話』北京:新華出版社。
– reference: 劉亦実(2004)、「鉄骨琤琤的王諍将軍」『文史春秋』7期、48–51ページ。
– reference: 中国語
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