Scrambling to the Edge
. It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show, remnant movement in Japanese is heavily constrained, and in fact, no remnants created by scrambling or topicalization can be moved over extracted...
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Published in | Syntax (Oxford, England) Vol. 13; no. 2; pp. 133 - 164 |
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Main Author | |
Format | Journal Article |
Language | English |
Published |
Oxford, UK
Blackwell Publishing Ltd
01.06.2010
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Subjects | |
Online Access | Get full text |
ISSN | 1368-0005 1467-9612 |
DOI | 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2009.00135.x |
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Abstract | . It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show, remnant movement in Japanese is heavily constrained, and in fact, no remnants created by scrambling or topicalization can be moved over extracted elements. This article argues that the alleged cases for the PBC in Japanese should be reconsidered in favor of elimination of the PBC, and its effects should be derived from the architecture of the narrow syntax: interactions between Cyclic Multiple Spell‐Out, the Phase Impenetrability Condition, and a refined mechanism of probing. Specifically, I argue that scrambling in Japanese uniformly targets the edge of a phase. Under this theory, ‘‘remnant movement’’ just reduces to an artifact, and it follows that there is no special constraint on remnant movement per se. I will demonstrate that my theory brings significant new empirical advantages and that the same mechanism provides a unified account for various unexplained constraints on scrambling. |
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AbstractList | It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show, remnant movement in Japanese is heavily constrained, and in fact, no remnants created by scrambling or topicalization can be moved over extracted elements. This article argues that the alleged cases for the PBC in Japanese should be reconsidered in favor of elimination of the PBC, and its effects should be derived from the architecture of the narrow syntax: interactions between Cyclic Multiple Spell-Out, the Phase Impenetrability Condition, and a refined mechanism of probing. Specifically, I argue that scrambling in Japanese uniformly targets the edge of a phase. Under this theory, 'remnant movement" just reduces to an artifact, and it follows that there is no special constraint on remnant movement per se. I will demonstrate that my theory brings significant new empirical advantages and that the same mechanism provides a unified account for various unexplained constraints on scrambling. Adapted from the source document It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show, remnant movement in Japanese is heavily constrained, and in fact, no remnants created by scrambling or topicalization can be moved over extracted elements. This article argues that the alleged cases for the PBC in Japanese should be reconsidered in favor of elimination of the PBC, and its effects should be derived from the architecture of the narrow syntax: interactions between Cyclic Multiple Spell-Out, the Phase Impenetrability Condition, and a refined mechanism of probing. Specifically, I argue that scrambling in Japanese uniformly targets the edge of a phase. Under this theory, ''remnant movement'' just reduces to an artifact, and it follows that there is no special constraint on remnant movement per se. I will demonstrate that my theory brings significant new empirical advantages and that the same mechanism provides a unified account for various unexplained constraints on scrambling. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT] . It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show, remnant movement in Japanese is heavily constrained, and in fact, no remnants created by scrambling or topicalization can be moved over extracted elements. This article argues that the alleged cases for the PBC in Japanese should be reconsidered in favor of elimination of the PBC, and its effects should be derived from the architecture of the narrow syntax: interactions between Cyclic Multiple Spell‐Out, the Phase Impenetrability Condition, and a refined mechanism of probing. Specifically, I argue that scrambling in Japanese uniformly targets the edge of a phase. Under this theory, ‘‘remnant movement’’ just reduces to an artifact, and it follows that there is no special constraint on remnant movement per se. I will demonstrate that my theory brings significant new empirical advantages and that the same mechanism provides a unified account for various unexplained constraints on scrambling. It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977 ). As I will show, remnant movement in Japanese is heavily constrained, and in fact, no remnants created by scrambling or topicalization can be moved over extracted elements. This article argues that the alleged cases for the PBC in Japanese should be reconsidered in favor of elimination of the PBC, and its effects should be derived from the architecture of the narrow syntax: interactions between Cyclic Multiple Spell‐Out, the Phase Impenetrability Condition, and a refined mechanism of probing. Specifically, I argue that scrambling in Japanese uniformly targets the edge of a phase. Under this theory, ‘‘remnant movement’’ just reduces to an artifact, and it follows that there is no special constraint on remnant movement per se. I will demonstrate that my theory brings significant new empirical advantages and that the same mechanism provides a unified account for various unexplained constraints on scrambling. |
Author | Hiraiwa, Ken |
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References_xml | – reference: Nunes, J. 2001. Sideward movement. Linguistic Inquiry 32:303-344. – reference: Chomsky, N. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Sauerland, U. 1999. Erasability and interpretability. Syntax 2:161-188. – reference: Takano, Y. 2000. Illicit remnant movement: An argument for feature-driven movement. Linguistic Inquiry 31:141-156. – reference: Saito, M. 1992. Long distance scrambling in Japanese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1:69-118. – reference: Takahashi, D. 1993. Movement of wh-phrases in Japanese. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 11:655-678. – reference: Epstein, S., R. Kawashima, H. Kitahara & G. O'Neil. 1998. A derivational approach to syntactic relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press. – reference: Lasnik, H. & M. Saito. 1992. Move α: Conditions on its application and output. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Fukui, N. & H. Kasai. 2005. Spelling-out scrambling. In Linguistic variation yearbook 2004, ed. P. Pica, 109-141. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. – reference: Takano, Y. 1994. Unbound traces and indeterminacy of derivation. In Current topics in English and Japanese, ed. M. Nakamura, 229-253. Tokyo: Hituzi. – reference: Collins, C. 1994. Economy of derivation and the Generalized Proper Binding Condition. Linguistic Inquiry 25:45-61. – reference: Fiengo, R. 1977. On trace theory. Linguistic Inquiry 8:35-61. – reference: Miyagawa, S. 1997. Against optional scrambling. Linguistic Inquiry 28:1-25. – reference: Fukui, N. 1993. Parameters and optionality. Linguistic Inquiry 24:399-420. – reference: Kuroda, S.-Y. 1988. Whether we agree or not: A comparative syntax of English and Japanese. Lingvisticae Investigationes 12:1-47. – reference: Miyara, S. 1982. Reordering in Japanese. Linguistic Analysis 9:307-340. – reference: Grewendorf, G. & J. Sabel. 1999. Scrambling in German and Japanese: Adjunction versus multiple specifiers. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 17:1-65. – reference: Koopman, H. & A. Szabolcsi. 2000. Verbal complexes. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Hinterhölzl, R. 2006. Scrambling, remnant movement, and restructuring in West Germanic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. – reference: Müller, G. 1998. Incomplete category fronting. Dordrecht: Kluwer. – reference: Müller, G. 1996. A constraint on remnant movement. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 14:355-407. – reference: Kitahara, H. 1997. Elementary operations and optimal derivations. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Huang, J. 1993. Reconstruction and the structure of VP: Some theoretical consequences. Linguistic Inquiry 24:103-138. – reference: Sauerland, U. & P. Elbourne. 2003. Total reconstruction, PF movement, and derivational order. Linguistic Inquiry 33:283-319. – reference: Richards, N. 2001. Movement in language: Interactions and architectures. Oxford: Oxford University Press. – reference: Matushansky, O. 2006. Head movement in linguistic theory. Linguistic Inquiry 37:69-109. – reference: Watanabe, A. 2003. Wh and operator constructions in Japanese. 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Snippet | . It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show,... It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977 ). As I will show, remnant... It has been well known since Saito 1989 that scrambling in Japanese is subject to the Proper Binding Condition (PBC; see Fiengo 1977). As I will show, remnant... |
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SubjectTerms | Binding Constraints Grammar Theories Grammatical subject Japanese Japanese language Movement Phases Syntactic Analysis Syntactic phases Syntax Topics Word order |
Title | Scrambling to the Edge |
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