The Workers' Movement in Occupied Enterprises: A Survey
The social impact of the movement of occupied enterprises is more closely related to its symbolic dimension than to its real strength, since it only involves about a hundred companies and fewer than 8,000 workers. Nonetheless, in providing an innovative alternative to address the unprecedented level...
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| Published in | Canadian journal of Latin American and Caribbean studies Vol. 28; no. 55-56; pp. 71 - 96 |
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| Main Author | |
| Format | Journal Article |
| Language | English |
| Published |
Kingston
Routledge
2003
Canadian Association of Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Association Canadienne des études Latino-Américaines et Caraïbes Taylor & Francis Group LLC Taylor & Francis Ltd |
| Subjects | |
| Online Access | Get full text |
| ISSN | 0826-3663 2333-1461 |
| DOI | 10.1080/08263663.2003.10816836 |
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| Abstract | The social impact of the movement of occupied enterprises is more closely related to its symbolic dimension than to its real strength, since it only involves about a hundred companies and fewer than 8,000 workers. Nonetheless, in providing an innovative alternative to address the unprecedented levels of poverty and unemployment in Argentina, the experience of occupied enterprises has also opened up new expectations for change among the broader population. In particular, the reactivation of production under the control of workers creates the possibility of redefining capital-labour relations and questioning the unconditional supremacy of property rights. |
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| AbstractList | The object of this article is to contribute to the body of specialized literature on the nature of the experience of workers in occupied enterprises. It reflects the findings of a research project initiated in June 2002 that aims to answer some fundamental questions regarding the functioning of these enterprises, workers' expectations for them, and the institutional responses the experience has elicited. The study involved 40 qualitative interviews with workers and informants from 10 occupied companies in Buenos Aires City, the areas that encompass Greater Buenos Aires, and the city of Rosario. Other interviews included lawyers, members of the national Congress and the provincial legislature in Buenos Aires, labour union leaders, and public officials. Data were also collected through the research team's participation in lectures, assemblies, round-tables, and parliamentary committee debates where several of our subjects in the occupied enterprises under study participated. This article summarizes the conclusions resulting from a preliminary analysis of the material obtained during this research. It is necessary to distinguish the long-term development of the "social economy" in Argentina, particularly cooperatives, from the emergence of this movement of occupied enterprises (Coraggio 2000). Essentially, the objective of workers in occupied enterprises is to avoid the closing of the factory or firm. This goal is central to the movement's existence, and thus the legal form adopted by the workers, once the workplace has been restored to production, is usually an instrumental decision related to the opportunities, needs, or conditions emerging from the particular circumstances surrounding the plant closure. As noted above, one common experience during the 1990s was for workers in occupied enterprises to adopt the legal form of a corporation as a way to keep the company's market position. The organization of workers in cooperatives became more common only after public policy began to shift as a consequence of the growing importance of this phenomenon. Thus, once state intervention facilitated the legal process through which some enterprises could remain active through the intervention of their workers, cooperatives began to prevail. This process was accompanied by the increasing importance of new experiments regarding forms of association among workers in occupied enterprises and the search for a broader legal alternative to bankruptcies and plant closures. Notwithstanding important differences among the factories that encompass the national movement of occupied enterprises--including the diverse political perspectives of their more active members--all these companies also feature an important number of similarities. Two key principles define the common ground among them: "to occupy, to resist, and to produce" and "to take over and run production in every single closed company." The primacy of these tasks determines a number of important points of confluence among the various occupied enterprises. Thus, it is possible to distinguish in all of them groups of workers who identify more broadly with the objectives of the movement and who contribute actively to the creation of solidarity bonds among occupied enterprises. An important component of this work to enlarge the network of support within and toward the movement has also involved developing ties with other social movements, with neighbours in the surrounding area, and even with their own families. The strengthening of these relations has been fundamental for the development of the movement from its earliest beginnings. The social impact of the movement of occupied enterprises is more closely related to its symbolic dimension than to its real strength, since it only involves about a hundred companies and fewer than 8,000 workers. Nonetheless, in providing an innovative alternative to address the unprecedented levels of poverty and unemployment in Argentina, the experience of occupied enterprises has also opened up new expectations for change among the broader population. In particular, the reactivation of production under the control of workers creates the possibility of redefining capital-labour relations and questioning the unconditional supremacy of property rights. The social impact of the movement of occupied enterprises is more closely related to its symbolic dimension than to its real strength, since it only involves about a hundred companies and fewer than 8,000 workers. Nonetheless, in providing an innovative alternative to address the unprecedented levels of poverty and unemployment in Argentina, the experience of occupied enterprises has also opened up new expectations for change among the broader population. In particular, the reactivation of production under the control of workers creates the possibility of redefining capital-labour relations and questioning the unconditional supremacy of property rights. L'ampleur et l'impact social du mouvement des travailleurs «d'entreprises récupérées» en Argentine, dépendent davantage de ses dimensions symboliques que de sa magnitude réelle—soit la participation d'une centaine d'entreprises et un peu moins de huit mille travailleurs. Le mouvement propose une solution originale pour contrer le niveau de pauvreté jamais vu auparavant et de chômage qui affligent l'Argentine tout en ayant une incidence considérable sur les attentes sociales. Cette solution redéfinie les relations capital/travail dans les entreprises récupérées et remet en question le caractère absolu du droit à la propriété privée. Ce changement ne se limite pas à la sphère culturelle mais affecte directement le système institutionnel des relations de travail en procurant aux travailleurs un nouvel outil de pression et de négociation tout en affaiblissant la capacité du patronat de discipliner les travailleurs. |
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| Author | Palomino, Héctor |
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| Copyright | 2003 Taylor and Francis Group, LLC 2003 2003 Canadian Association for Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Association canadienne des études latino-américaines et caraïbes COPYRIGHT 2003 Taylor & Francis Group LLC Copyright Canadian Association of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 2003 |
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| Title | The Workers' Movement in Occupied Enterprises: A Survey |
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