Intersentential syntactic context effects on comprehension: the role of working memory

The study investigated the influence of a syntactically biasing context sentence on the processing of syntactically complex object-first relative clauses and even more complex object-first complement clauses in readers with individual differences in working memory. Behavioral as well as brain respon...

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Published inBrain research. Cognitive brain research Vol. 16; no. 1; pp. 111 - 122
Main Authors Vos, Sandra H, Friederici, Angela D
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published Netherlands Elsevier B.V 01.03.2003
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ISSN0926-6410
DOI10.1016/S0926-6410(02)00226-4

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Abstract The study investigated the influence of a syntactically biasing context sentence on the processing of syntactically complex object-first relative clauses and even more complex object-first complement clauses in readers with individual differences in working memory. Behavioral as well as brain responses (event-related potentials, ERPs) were recorded from two groups of participants with either a high or a low working memory span. The behavioral data taken from a post-sentence comprehension question task indicate an intersentential syntactic contextual influence on the comprehension of object-first relative clauses for low span readers, but not for high span readers. The on-line ERP measures taken at the disambiguating item revealed for the high span readers a main effect of structure (subject- versus object-first) i.e., a P600, independent of context. Low span readers, in contrast, did not show any P600 structure effect. Thus, the combined data indicate a differential context effect on sentence comprehension in low and high span readers. High span readers parse the incoming information independent of intersentential context, whereas low span readers use the intersentential context off-line.
AbstractList The study investigated the influence of a syntactically biasing context sentence on the processing of syntactically complex object-first relative clauses and even more complex object-first complement clauses in readers with individual differences in working memory. Behavioral as well as brain responses (event-related potentials, ERPs) were recorded from two groups of participants with either a high or a low working memory span. The behavioral data taken from a post-sentence comprehension question task indicate an intersentential syntactic contextual influence on the comprehension of object-first relative clauses for low span readers, but not for high span readers. The on-line ERP measures taken at the disambiguating item revealed for the high span readers a main effect of structure (subject- versus object-first) i.e., a P600, independent of context. Low span readers, in contrast, did not show any P600 structure effect. Thus, the combined data indicate a differential context effect on sentence comprehension in low and high span readers. High span readers parse the incoming information independent of intersentential context, whereas low span readers use the intersentential context off-line.
The study investigated the influence of a syntactically biasing context sentence on the processing of syntactically complex object-first relative clauses and even more complex object-first complement clauses in readers with individual differences in working memory. Behavioral as well as brain responses (event-related potentials, ERPs) were recorded from two groups of participants with either a high or a low working memory span. The behavioral data taken from a post-sentence comprehension question task indicate an intersentential syntactic contextual influence on the comprehension of object-first relative clauses for low span readers, but not for high span readers. The on-line ERP measures taken at the disambiguating item revealed for the high span readers a main effect of structure (subject- versus object-first) i.e., a P600, independent of context. Low span readers, in contrast, did not show any P600 structure effect. Thus, the combined data indicate a differential context effect on sentence comprehension in low and high span readers. High span readers parse the incoming information independent of intersentential context, whereas low span readers use the intersentential context off-line.The study investigated the influence of a syntactically biasing context sentence on the processing of syntactically complex object-first relative clauses and even more complex object-first complement clauses in readers with individual differences in working memory. Behavioral as well as brain responses (event-related potentials, ERPs) were recorded from two groups of participants with either a high or a low working memory span. The behavioral data taken from a post-sentence comprehension question task indicate an intersentential syntactic contextual influence on the comprehension of object-first relative clauses for low span readers, but not for high span readers. The on-line ERP measures taken at the disambiguating item revealed for the high span readers a main effect of structure (subject- versus object-first) i.e., a P600, independent of context. Low span readers, in contrast, did not show any P600 structure effect. Thus, the combined data indicate a differential context effect on sentence comprehension in low and high span readers. High span readers parse the incoming information independent of intersentential context, whereas low span readers use the intersentential context off-line.
Author Friederici, Angela D
Vos, Sandra H
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Snippet The study investigated the influence of a syntactically biasing context sentence on the processing of syntactically complex object-first relative clauses and...
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SubjectTerms Adult
ERP
Evoked Potentials - physiology
Female
Humans
Language
Language Tests
Linguistics
Male
Memory, Short-Term
Reading
Semantics
Syntax
Verbal Learning - classification
Verbal Learning - physiology
Working memory
Title Intersentential syntactic context effects on comprehension: the role of working memory
URI https://www.clinicalkey.com/#!/content/1-s2.0-S0926641002002264
https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0926-6410(02)00226-4
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12589896
https://www.proquest.com/docview/73033170
Volume 16
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