Case Assignment in Agrammatism

Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Some recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and substitution are ruled by linguistic, that is, syntactic processes (e.g., Hagiwara, 1995; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997; Bastiaanse &...

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Published inJournal of speech, language, and hearing research Vol. 42; no. 4; pp. 962 - 971
Main Authors Ruigendijk, Esther, Zonneveld, Ron van, Bastiaanse, Roelien
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published United States ASHA 01.08.1999
American Speech-Language-Hearing Association
Subjects
Online AccessGet full text
ISSN1092-4388
1558-9102
DOI10.1044/jslhr.4204.962

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Abstract Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Some recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and substitution are ruled by linguistic, that is, syntactic processes (e.g., Hagiwara, 1995; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997; Bastiaanse & Van Zonneveld, 1998). In the present paper, the omission pattern of case markers in the spontaneous speech of Dutch and German speakers with agrammatic aphasia is analyzed within the framework of Chomsky's (1986) case theory , which says that every phonetically realized NP must receive (abstract) case. The inflected verb (I) assigns nominative case to the subject in the sentence, and the verb (V) assigns dative and accusative case to the indirect and direct object, respectively. This, in combination with the knowledge that verbs and verb inflections are notoriously difficult for speakers with agrammatism, served as the basis for this study. We hypothesize that, if no case assigner is produced, the noun will receive nominative case by default or the case marking morpheme (i.e., the determiner) will be omitted. This hypothesis has been tested and was supported by the data.
AbstractList Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Some recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and substitution are ruled by linguistic, that is, syntactic processes (e.g., Hagiwara, 1995; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997; Bastiaanse & Van Zonneveld, 1998). In the present paper, the omission pattern of case markers in the spontaneous speech of Dutch and German speakers with agrammatic aphasia is analyzed within the framework of Chomsky's (1986) case theory , which says that every phonetically realized NP must receive (abstract) case. The inflected verb (I) assigns nominative case to the subject in the sentence, and the verb (V) assigns dative and accusative case to the indirect and direct object, respectively. This, in combination with the knowledge that verbs and verb inflections are notoriously difficult for speakers with agrammatism, served as the basis for this study. We hypothesize that, if no case assigner is produced, the noun will receive nominative case by default or the case marking morpheme (i.e., the determiner) will be omitted. This hypothesis has been tested and was supported by the data.
Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Some recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and substitution are ruled by linguistic, that is, syntactic processes (e.g., Hagiwara, 1995; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997; Bastiaanse & Van Zonneveld, 1998). In the present paper, the omission pattern of case markers in the spontaneous speech of Dutch and German speakers with agrammatic aphasia is analyzed within the framework of Chomsky's (1986) case theory, which says that every phonetically realized NP must receive (abstract) case. The inflected verb (I) assigns nominative case to the subject in the sentence, and the verb (V) assigns dative and accusative case to the indirect and direct object, respectively. This, in combination with the knowledge that verbs and verb inflections are notoriously difficult for speakers with agrammatism, served as the basis for this study. We hypothesize that, if no case assigner is produced, the noun will receive nominative case by default or the case marking morpheme (i.e., the determiner) will be omitted. This hypothesis has been tested and was supported by the data.
The production of determiners & pronouns by German-speaking (N = 6) & Dutch-speaking agrammatic aphasic Ss (N = 6) was evaluated in the context of N. Chomsky's (1986) case theory. A brief review of case & gender in Dutch & German was provided. It was hypothesized that the noun stem would be present without a determiner & that subject nouns & pronouns without a case assigner but with a determiner might receive nominative case by default. Spontaneous speech samples of at least 60 words per S were analyzed for the presence & correctness of case assignment of pronouns & nouns & the presence of determiners with nouns. Pronouns & nouns were produced without a case assigner & pronouns were in the nominative case in both groups. German masculine nouns with a determiner but without a case assigner were also in the nominative case. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 23 References. D. Taylor
Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Some recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and substitution are ruled by linguistic, that is, syntactic processes (e.g., Hagiwara, 1995; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997; Bastiaanse & Van Zonneveld, 1998). In the present paper, the omission pattern of case markers in the spontaneous speech of Dutch and German speakers with agrammatic aphasia is analyzed within the framework of Chomsky's (1986) case theory, which says that every phonetically realized NP must receive (abstract) case. The inflected verb (I) assigns nominative case to the subject in the sentence, and the verb (V) assigns dative and accusative case to the indirect and direct object, respectively. This, in combination with the knowledge that verbs and verb inflections are notoriously difficult for speakers with agrammatism, served as the basis for this study. We hypothesize that, if no case assigner is produced, the noun will receive nominative case by default or the case marking morpheme (i.e., the determiner) will be omitted. This hypothesis has been tested and was supported by the data.Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Some recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and substitution are ruled by linguistic, that is, syntactic processes (e.g., Hagiwara, 1995; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997; Bastiaanse & Van Zonneveld, 1998). In the present paper, the omission pattern of case markers in the spontaneous speech of Dutch and German speakers with agrammatic aphasia is analyzed within the framework of Chomsky's (1986) case theory, which says that every phonetically realized NP must receive (abstract) case. The inflected verb (I) assigns nominative case to the subject in the sentence, and the verb (V) assigns dative and accusative case to the indirect and direct object, respectively. This, in combination with the knowledge that verbs and verb inflections are notoriously difficult for speakers with agrammatism, served as the basis for this study. We hypothesize that, if no case assigner is produced, the noun will receive nominative case by default or the case marking morpheme (i.e., the determiner) will be omitted. This hypothesis has been tested and was supported by the data.
Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and substitution are ruled by linguist (i.e. syntactic) processes. Analyzes the omission pattern of case markers in the spontaneous speech of Dutch and German speakers with agrammatic aphasia within the framework of Chomsky's (1986) case theory, which says that every phonetically realized NP must receive (abstract) case. Hypothesizes that, if no case assigner is produced, the noun will receive nominative case by default or the case marking morpheme (i.e. the determiner) will be omitted. This hypothesis was tested and was supported by the data. (Original abstract - amended)
This study evaluated the omission patterns of case markers in the spontaneous speech of 12 Dutch and German adult speakers with agrammatic aphasia within the framework of Chomsky's case theory. Data supported the hypothesis that, if no case assigner is produced, the noun will receive nominative case by default or the case-marking morpheme will be omitted. (DB)
Author Zonneveld, Ron van
Bastiaanse, Roelien
Ruigendijk, Esther
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Cites_doi 10.1007/BF00233711
10.1006/brln.1997.1795
10.1016/0093-934X(89)90030-8
10.1006/brln.1995.1041
10.1080/02687039008249075
10.1016/0911-6044(96)00007-3
10.1080/02687039808249463
10.1006/brln.1998.1972
10.1016/0024-3841(91)90022-W
10.1006/brln.1996.0060
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Snippet Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Some recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and...
This study evaluated the omission patterns of case markers in the spontaneous speech of 12 Dutch and German adult speakers with agrammatic aphasia within the...
Agrammatic speech is characterized by the omission and substitution of grammatical morphemes. Recent papers suggest that certain patterns of omission and...
The production of determiners & pronouns by German-speaking (N = 6) & Dutch-speaking agrammatic aphasic Ss (N = 6) was evaluated in the context of N. Chomsky's...
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SubjectTerms Adult
Adults
Agrammatism
Aphasia
Aphasia, Broca - diagnosis
Aphasia, Broca - etiology
Broca's aphasia
Case (Grammar)
Case Marking
Case Studies
Crosslinguistic studies
Determiners
Dutch
Error Patterns
Female
Foreign Countries
Gender
German
Germany
Grammar
Grammaticality
Humans
Language
Language Impairments
Linguistics
Male
Middle Aged
Morphemes
Morphological Processing
Netherlands
Nouns
Patients
Pronouns
Sentences
Speech
Speech - physiology
Suffixes
Theories
Verbs
Title Case Assignment in Agrammatism
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