The processing of dialectal variants: Further insight from French

• Published in: Applied psycholinguistics Vol. 40; no. 2; pp. 351 - 372
• Main Authors: DUFOUR, SOPHIE, CHUANG, YU-YING, NGUYEN, NOËL
• Format: Journal Article
• Language: English
• Published: New York, USA Cambridge University Press 01.03.2019; Cambridge University Press (CUP)
• Subjects: Acoustics; Cognitive science; Dialects; English; French language; Grouping (Instructional Purposes); Language; Linguistics; North American English; Original Article; Pattern recognition; Phonemics; Phonetic features; Phonetics; Phonology; Priming; Recognition (Psychology); Regional dialects; Semantics; Semiotics; Speech; Standard Spoken Usage; Syllables; Vowels; Word recognition; semantic priming; dialectal variants; spoken word recognition; lexical representations
• DOI: 10.1017/S0142716418000607
• ISSN: 0142-7164

In two semantic priming experiments, this study examined how southern French speakers process the standard French [o] variant in closed syllables in comparison to their own variant [ɔ]. In Experiment 1, southern French speakers showed facilitation in the processing of the associated target word VIOLET whether the word prime mauve was pronounced by a standard French speaker ([mov]) or a southern French speaker ([mɔv]). More importantly, Experiment 1 has also revealed that words of type mauve, which are subject to dialectal variation, behave exactly in the same way as words of type gomme, which are pronounced with [ɔ] by both southern and standard French speakers, and for which we also found no modulation in the magnitude of the priming effect as a function of the dialect of the speaker. Experiment 2 replicated the priming effect found with the standard French variant [mov], and failed to show a priming effect with nonwords such as [mœv] that also differ from the southern French variant [mɔv] by only one phonetic feature. Our study thus provides further evidence for efficient processing of dialectal variants during spoken word recognition, even if these variants are not part of the speaker’s own productions.