Countability distinctions and semantic variation
To what extent are countability distinctions subject to systematic semantic variation? Could there be a language with no countability distinctions—in particular, one where all nouns are count? I argue that the answer is no: even in a language where all NPs have the core morphosyntactic properties of...
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| Published in | Natural language semantics Vol. 25; no. 2; pp. 125 - 171 |
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| Main Author | |
| Format | Journal Article |
| Language | English |
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Springer
01.06.2017
Springer Netherlands Springer Nature B.V |
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| ISSN | 0925-854X 1572-865X |
| DOI | 10.1007/s11050-017-9132-0 |
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| Abstract | To what extent are countability distinctions subject to systematic semantic variation? Could there be a language with no countability distinctions—in particular, one where all nouns are count? I argue that the answer is no: even in a language where all NPs have the core morphosyntactic properties of English count NPs, such as combining with numerals directly and showing singular/plural contrasts, countability distinctions still emerge on close inspection. I divide these distinctions into those related to sums (cumulativity) and those related to parts (divisiveness, atomicity, and related notions). In the Sahaptian language Nez Perce, evidence can be found for both types of distinction, in spite of the absence of anything like a traditional mass—count division in noun morphosyntax. I propose an extension of the Nez Perce analysis to Yudja (Tupí), analyzed by Lima (The grammar of individuation and counting, 2014) as lacking any countability distinctions. More generally, I suggest that at least one countability distinction may be universal and that languages without any countability distinctions may be unlearnable. |
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| AbstractList | To what extent are countability distinctions subject to systematic semantic variation? Could there be a language with no countability distinctions--in particular, one where all nouns are count? I argue that the answer is no: even in a language where all NPs have the core morphosyntactic properties of English count NPs, such as combining with numerals directly and showing singular/plural contrasts, countability distinctions still emerge on close inspection. I divide these distinctions into those related to sums (cumulativity) and those related to parts (divisiveness, atomicity, and related notions). In the Sahaptian language Nez Perce, evidence can be found for both types of distinction, in spite of the absence of anything like a traditional mass-count division in noun morphosyntax. I propose an extension of the Nez Perce analysis to Yudja (Tupí), analyzed by Lima (The grammar of individuation and counting, 2014 ) as lacking any countability distinctions. More generally, I suggest that at least one countability distinction may be universal and that languages without any countability distinctions may be unlearnable. To what extent are countability distinctions subject to systematic semantic variation? Could there be a language with no countability distinctions—in particular, one where all nouns are count? I argue that the answer is no: even in a language where all NPs have the core morphosyntactic properties of English count NPs, such as combining with numerals directly and showing singular/plural contrasts, countability distinctions still emerge on close inspection. I divide these distinctions into those related to sums (cumulativity) and those related to parts (divisiveness, atomicity, and related notions). In the Sahaptian language Nez Perce, evidence can be found for both types of distinction, in spite of the absence of anything like a traditional mass–count division in noun morphosyntax. I propose an extension of the Nez Perce analysis to Yudja (Tupí), analyzed by Lima ( The grammar of individuation and counting , 2014 ) as lacking any countability distinctions. More generally, I suggest that at least one countability distinction may be universal and that languages without any countability distinctions may be unlearnable. |
| Author | Deal, Amy Rose |
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| Cites_doi | 10.1007/s11229-009-9686-6 10.1162/ling_a_00110 10.4148/biyclc.v6i0.1579 10.1525/9780520413283 10.1007/s11525-015-9277-9 10.1007/BF00627775 10.1007/978-94-010-2506-5_14 10.3765/salt.v16i0.2941 10.1007/978-94-011-3969-4_4 10.1093/jos/ffp003 10.1007/978-94-011-3212-1 10.1163/9789004373198_004 10.1007/978-94-009-1171-0_4 10.7551/mitpress/4056.003.0014 10.1515/9783110877335-005 10.1007/BF00646389 10.1017/9781316423530 10.3765/salt.v13i0.2898 10.1007/BF00350139 10.1023/A:1008324218506 10.1017/S0022226715000031 10.1016/0010-0277(91)90051-5 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945658.003.0006 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199654277.003.0002 10.4324/9781315789217-16 10.1515/9783110852820.302 10.1093/jos/ffq007 10.1016/j.cognition.2004.06.009 |
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Landman, Fred. 1991. Structures for semantics. Dordrecht: Kluwer. BarnerDavidJesseSnedekerQuantity judgments and individuation: Evidence that mass nouns countCognition200597416610.1016/j.cognition.2004.06.009 Cheng, C.Y. 1973. Response to Moravscik. In Approaches to natural language, ed. Jaakko Hintikka, Julius Moravcsik, and Patrick Suppes, 286–288. Dordrecht: Reidel. McCawley, James D. 1975. Lexicography and the count–mass distinction. In Proceedings of the first annual meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, ed. Cathy Cogen et al. 314–321. Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society. KratzerAngelikaAn investigation of the lumps of thoughtLinguistics and Philosophy19891260765310.1007/BF00627775 Goodman, Nelson. 1951. The structure of appearance. Harvard: Harvard University Press. 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| References_xml | – reference: RothsteinSusanCounting and the mass/count distinctionJournal of Semantics20102734339710.1093/jos/ffq007 – reference: Deal, Amy Rose. 2010. Topics in the Nez Perce verb. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. – reference: Cheng, C.Y. 1973. Response to Moravscik. In Approaches to natural language, ed. Jaakko Hintikka, Julius Moravcsik, and Patrick Suppes, 286–288. Dordrecht: Reidel. – reference: Krifka, Manfred. 1989. Nominal reference, temporal constitution and quantification in event semantics. In Semantics and contextual expression, ed. R. Bartsch, J.F.A.K. van Benthem, and P. von Emde Boas, 75–115. Dordrecht: Foris Publications. – reference: Schwarzschild, Roger. 2011. Stubborn distributivity, multiparticipant nouns and the count/mass distinction. In Proceedings of NELS 39, ed. Suzi Lima et al., 661–678. Amherst, MA: GLSA. – reference: BarnerDavidJesseSnedekerQuantity judgments and individuation: Evidence that mass nouns countCognition200597416610.1016/j.cognition.2004.06.009 – reference: Crook, Harold David. 1999. The phonology and morphology of Nez Perce stress. PhD dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles. – reference: Doetjes, Jenny. 1997. Quantifiers and selection. The Hague: Holland Academic Graphics. – reference: Chierchia, Gennaro. 1994. Syntactic bootstrapping and the acquisition of noun meanings: The mass–count issue. In Syntactic theory and first language acquisition: Crosslinguistic perspectives, ed. Barbara Lust et al., 301–318. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. – reference: Huddleston, Rodney, and Geoffrey K. Pullum (eds.). 2002. The Cambridge grammar of the English language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. – reference: Lima, Suzi. 2014. The grammar of individuation and counting. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. – reference: Pelletier, Francis Jeffry, and Lenhart Schubert. 1989/2003. Mass expressions. In Handbook of philosophical logic, 2nd ed., vol. 10, ed. F. Guenthner and D. Gabbay, 249–336. Dordrecht: Kluwer. – reference: Inagaki, Shunji, and David Barner. 2009. Countability in absence of count syntax: Evidence from Japanese quantity judgments. In Studies in language sciences, vol. 8, ed. S. Inagaki et al., 111–125. Tokyo: Kurosio. – reference: BaleAlanDavidBarnerThe interpretation of functional heads: Using comparatives to explore the mass/count distinctionJournal of Semantics20092621725210.1093/jos/ffp003 – reference: Link, Godehard. 1983. The logical analysis of plurals and mass terms: A lattice-theoretical approach. In Meaning, use and interpretation of language, ed. R. Bäuerle, 302–323. Berlin: DeGruyter. – reference: Landman, Fred. 1991. Structures for semantics. 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| SubjectTerms | Count/Mass distinction English language Linguistics Morphosyntax Nouns Numbers Philosophy of Language Plateau Penutian languages Semantics Social Sciences Syntax |
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| Title | Countability distinctions and semantic variation |
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