Quantifying kids prefer intersecting sets – a pilot study
Children between approximately four and five years of age are known to fail in picture matching tasks with verbal stimuli presenting an existentially quantified object NP in the scope of a universally quantified subject NP. In this paper, we suggest an experimentally tested provisional answer to a q...
Saved in:
Published in | Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft Vol. 36; no. 1; pp. 31 - 50 |
---|---|
Main Authors | , , |
Format | Journal Article |
Language | English |
Published |
De Gruyter Mouton
01.06.2017
De Gruyter |
Subjects | |
Online Access | Get full text |
ISSN | 0721-9067 1613-3706 |
DOI | 10.1515/zfs-2017-0003 |
Cover
Summary: | Children between approximately four and five years of age are known to fail in picture matching tasks with verbal stimuli presenting an existentially quantified
object NP in the scope of a universally quantified subject NP. In this paper, we suggest an experimentally tested provisional answer to a question that has not been
asked in any previous work on the very phenomenon: Would they also fail for the
stimuli in which the universal
quantifier is replaced by a negated existential quantifier (plus a negated predicate, as in
vs.
).
The experimental results indicate that the latter task is indeed much easier. This lends support to the hypothesis that the primary source of the difficulties lies
in the acquisition of a special aspect of compositional semantics, that is, in computing the semantic effects of a universal vs. an existential quantifier as subject in
combination with an existential quantifier in the predicate. For a universally quantified subject, the relation between the restrictor set of the quantified subject and
the set denoted by the predicate is one of set inclusion. For an existentially quantified subject, it is set intersection. At least for the picture matching tasks, the
intersection relation seems to be easier to handle than the inclusion relation, even for semantically equivalent stimuli. |
---|---|
ISSN: | 0721-9067 1613-3706 |
DOI: | 10.1515/zfs-2017-0003 |