Honorific mismatches of coordinate subjects in Korean

In this article, we explore whether hierarchy and linearity conspire to affect agreement. The data come from an experimental study of honorific agreement between verbal si and coordinate subjects in Korean. We focus on computing the mismatch driven by honorifically mixed conjuncts. Unlike South Slav...

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Published inCanadian journal of linguistics Vol. 68; no. 3; pp. 462 - 485
Main Authors Kim, Jeong-Seok, Jung, Duk-Ho, Lee, Jin Hyung
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published Cambridge, UK Cambridge University Press 01.09.2023
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Abstract In this article, we explore whether hierarchy and linearity conspire to affect agreement. The data come from an experimental study of honorific agreement between verbal si and coordinate subjects in Korean. We focus on computing the mismatch driven by honorifically mixed conjuncts. Unlike South Slavic gender agreement, Korean has neither Resolved Agreement nor First Conjunct Agreement. Only Last Conjunct Agreement is attested in Korean honorification. We show that honorific agreement within coordinate subjects is triggered only when the honorific verbal si appears, which is substantially different from the case with the honorific nominal nim. We also show that acceptability significantly decreases when the last conjunct of coordinate subjects is incongruous with an honorific verb. We thus argue that verbal honorific agreement with Korean coordinate subjects is sensitive to linear order, mimicking South Slavic gender agreement.
AbstractList Abstract In this article, we explore whether hierarchy and linearity conspire to affect agreement. The data come from an experimental study of honorific agreement between verbal si and coordinate subjects in Korean. We focus on computing the mismatch driven by honorifically mixed conjuncts. Unlike South Slavic gender agreement, Korean has neither Resolved Agreement nor First Conjunct Agreement. Only Last Conjunct Agreement is attested in Korean honorification. We show that honorific agreement within coordinate subjects is triggered only when the honorific verbal si appears, which is substantially different from the case with the honorific nominal nim . We also show that acceptability significantly decreases when the last conjunct of coordinate subjects is incongruous with an honorific verb. We thus argue that verbal honorific agreement with Korean coordinate subjects is sensitive to linear order, mimicking South Slavic gender agreement. Résumé Dans cet article, nous explorons l'hypothèse selon laquelle la hiérarchie et la linéarité conspirent pour affecter l'accord. Les données proviennent d'une étude expérimentale de l'accord des honorifiques entre le verbal si et les sujets coordonnés en coréen. Nous nous concentrons sur le calcul de l'inadéquation induite par les conjoints honorifiquement mixtes. Contrairement à l'accord de genre dans les langues slaves du sud, le coréen n'a ni Accord résolu (‘Resolved Agreement’) ni Accord avec le premier conjoint (‘First Conjunct Agreement’). Seul l'Accord avec le dernier conjoint (‘Last Conjunct Agreement’) est attesté dans l'honorification coréenne. Nous montrons que l'accord honorifique au sein des sujets coordonnés n'est déclenché que lorsque le verbal honorifique si apparaît, ce qui est sensiblement différent d'avec le nominatif honorifique nim . Nous montrons également que l'acceptabilité diminue significativement lorsque la dernière conjonction des sujets coordonnés est incongrue avec un verbe honorifique. Nous soutenons donc que l'accord honorifique verbal avec les sujets coordonnés en coréens est sensible à l'ordre linéaire, imitant l'accord de genre dans les langues slaves du sud.
In this article, we explore whether hierarchy and linearity conspire to affect agreement. The data come from an experimental study of honorific agreement between verbal si and coordinate subjects in Korean. We focus on computing the mismatch driven by honorifically mixed conjuncts. Unlike South Slavic gender agreement, Korean has neither Resolved Agreement nor First Conjunct Agreement. Only Last Conjunct Agreement is attested in Korean honorification. We show that honorific agreement within coordinate subjects is triggered only when the honorific verbal si appears, which is substantially different from the case with the honorific nominal nim. We also show that acceptability significantly decreases when the last conjunct of coordinate subjects is incongruous with an honorific verb. We thus argue that verbal honorific agreement with Korean coordinate subjects is sensitive to linear order, mimicking South Slavic gender agreement.
Author Kim, Jeong-Seok
Lee, Jin Hyung
Jung, Duk-Ho
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honorification
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Snippet In this article, we explore whether hierarchy and linearity conspire to affect agreement. The data come from an experimental study of honorific agreement...
Abstract In this article, we explore whether hierarchy and linearity conspire to affect agreement. The data come from an experimental study of honorific...
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SubjectTerms Acceptability
Comparative linguistics
Coordination (Grammatical)
Grammatical agreement
Grammatical gender
Honorifics
Korean language
Slavic languages
Title Honorific mismatches of coordinate subjects in Korean
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