"We Too Deserve a Place in the Sun": The Politics of Transvestite Identity in Weimar Germany
Cross-dressing took on new political meanings in Germany's Weimar Republic, with the emergence of organizations and periodicals aimed at promoting the interests of self-identified "transvestites." This new sexological category, developed by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1910, formed the basis...
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| Published in | German studies review Vol. 35; no. 2; pp. 335 - 354 |
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| Main Author | |
| Format | Journal Article |
| Language | English |
| Published |
Baltimore
German Studies Association
01.05.2012
Johns Hopkins University Press |
| Subjects | |
| Online Access | Get full text |
| ISSN | 0149-7952 2164-8646 2164-8646 |
| DOI | 10.1353/gsr.2012.a478043 |
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| Abstract | Cross-dressing took on new political meanings in Germany's Weimar Republic, with the emergence of organizations and periodicals aimed at promoting the interests of self-identified "transvestites." This new sexological category, developed by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1910, formed the basis for a shared sense of identity and belonging among individuals who identified as members of the "opposite" sex. Drawing on the experiences of the homosexual emancipation movement and discourses of bourgeois respectability, middle-class transvestites came together to demand legal and social recognition, including acknowledgement of "transsexual" desires. Their efforts represent a critical but forgotten moment in the history of transgender political activism. |
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| AbstractList | The term "transvestism" (Transvestitismus) was coined in 1910 by pioneering German sex researcher and political activist [Magnus Hirschfeld], and publicized via his lengthy study of the same year, Die Transvestiten (Transvestites). It formed part of a larger shiftamong sexologists away from nineteenth-century theories of sex-gender "inversion," which viewed same-sex attraction and cross-gender characteristics as two sides of the same coin, and toward an understanding of "homosexuality" defined primarily by sexual object preference.3 Because this latter category could not account for cases where cross-gendered characteristics were the primary "symptom," researchers in the early twentieth century began to develop theories of what they variously described as "sexo-aesthetic inversion"/"eonism" (Havelock Ellis), "transmutism" (Ferdinand von [Ferdinand Karsch-Haack]), or the "drive for sex transformation" (Geschlechtsumwandlungstrieb, Max Marcuse).4 It was Hirschfeld's term, however, that proved most popular in interwar Germany, not only among scientists, but also among males who identified as women and females who identified as men.5 Such merciless exclusion of "undesirable" elements also characterized the homosexual rights movement at this period: Marti Lybeck's research shows that working-class barflies, street prostitutes, and upper-class bohemians were all often given short shriftin middle-class female homosexual organizations such as the Damenklub Violetta ("Violetta Ladies' Club"), which consciously modeled themselves after the nineteenth-century Vereine to create an alternative to the "disorderly" spaces of bars and clubs.42 Readers of the TV media were similarly advised to frequent only "respectable" establishments free of drugs and prostitution, "if they want to avoid being denounced as riff-raff," while the Vereinigung D'Eon's [Marie Weis] loudly lamented the existence of venues that attracted just as many "alleged" as "genuine" transvestite customers.43 A clear privileging of middle-class values is at work in such statements: from a fear of arrest and loss of social status if found to be frequenting the "wrong" venues, to a preference for bourgeois notions of Kultur and personal betterment over "mere" entertainment and pleasure. The establishment of safe spaces in which members of transvestite organizations could cross-dress and socialize without fear of social sanction provided a counterweight to this advocacy of cautious public-sphere behavior. As well as clubrooms and balls, by the late 1920s there was even talk of setting up an exclusive summer holiday residence. Such spaces formed an important addition to the metropolitan bar scene, where patrons entering or leaving establishments had to be perpetually on the alert. One eyewitness described, for example, how as a "joke," two police officers waited outside the Berlin transvestite club "Mikado," only to arrest a couple of youths in female evening dress the moment they came out onto the street.49 At the more famous clubs such as Berlin's "Eldorado," patrons also had to put up with being the main attraction for gawking tourists keen to experience the city's risqué nightlife. On the other hand, bars and clubs provided spaces for more extravagant, performative, and openly homosexual expressions of transvestite identity, attracting artists, emigrants, and actors, among others. As Andreas Sternweiler observes, those cabarettists and performers who were able to make a living in such clubs embodied the dreams of many transvestites, forced by financial necessity and social norms to limit their cross-dressing to the evening hours.50 Larger cities such as Berlin, Hamburg, and Cologne could boast a number of transvestite-friendly entertainment venues (sometimes combined with homosexual clubs) in this period. In Cologne's "Dornröschen," for example, female impersonators "Tilla" and "Resi" reportedly livened the atmosphere with their "Salomé number" and "Carmen dance"; in Düsseldorf "Hubertine" was a popular feature in homosexual clubs before the Nazi seizure of power; while in Berlin the clubs "Silhouette," "Taverne," "Hansi-Bar," "Monokel-Diele," and "Café Dorian Gray" catered to a wide demographic range, from prostitutes to the smart set.51 Male homosexual transvestites were likewise largely excluded from the terms of 1920s transvestite citizenship, and-following the argumentation of the sexologists- frequently disregarded as only a minor percentage of the transvestite population.57 They were doubly marginalized within many of the homosexual organizations of this period, with leaders such as Adolf Brand, Benedikt Friedländer, and even [Friedrich Radszuweit] openly proclaiming "masculinist" values in an attempt to distance themselves from powerful cultural stereotypes of effeminacy, weakness, and perversion. 58 Within the TV media, the pressure to establish transvestites as respectable heterosexual subjects (i.e., as biological males who desired women) is seen in the following, highly typical disclaimers: "I would like to add that I am not of a homosexual disposition"; "My own sexual drive is directed toward women, i.e., I am not homosexual (as most of my fellow sisters in earlier articles in the 'Freundin' describe, transvestism has nothing to do with homosexuality)."59 The homosexual "taint" was a thorn in the side of heterosexual husbands and fathers who, while identifying as "transvestite"-an identification that, for them, entailed discrete periods of feminine dress and behavior-viewed themselves as "normal" and "manly" citizens in other spheres of their lives. Accordingly, some of the most popular discussions in the TV media were on explicitly heterosexual topics, such as how to find an understanding wife. In such ways, notions of hegemonic masculinity continued to define hierarchies of value even within a subculture whose one shared point of identification was its challenge to gender normativity. Despite being ostracized within the broader society for their cross-dressing, these commentators nonetheless claimed a power inherent in their identities as heterosexual bourgeois men in order to condemn homosexual transvestites as "excessively" feminine, and impose "proper" gendered roles and styles on the larger transvestite population.60 Cross-dressing took on new political meanings in Germany's Weimar Republic, with the emergence of organizations and periodicals aimed at promoting the interests of self-identified 'transvestites.' This new sexological category, developed by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1910, formed the basis for a shared sense of identity and belonging among individuals who identified as members of the 'opposite' sex. Drawing on the experiences of the homosexual emancipation movement and discourses of bourgeois respectability, middle-class transvestites came together to demand legal and social recognition, including acknowledgement of 'transsexual' desires. Their efforts represent a critical but forgotten moment in the history of mansgender political activism. Reprinted by permission of the German Studies Review Cross-dressing took on new political meanings in Germany's Weimar Republic, with the emergence of organizations and periodicals aimed at promoting the interests of self-identified "transvestites." This new sexological category, developed by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1910, formed the basis for a shared sense of identity and belonging among individuals who identified as members of the "opposite" sex. Drawing on the experiences of the homosexual emancipation movement and discourses of bourgeois respectability, middle-class transvestites came together to demand legal and social recognition, including acknowledgement of "transsexual" desires. Their efforts represent a critical but forgotten moment in the history of transgender political activism. |
| Author | Sutton, Katie |
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| Copyright | 2012 German Studies Association Copyright © The German Studies Association Copyright Johns Hopkins University Press May 2012 |
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| Snippet | Cross-dressing took on new political meanings in Germany's Weimar Republic, with the emergence of organizations and periodicals aimed at promoting the... The term "transvestism" (Transvestitismus) was coined in 1910 by pioneering German sex researcher and political activist [Magnus Hirschfeld], and publicized... |
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| Title | "We Too Deserve a Place in the Sun": The Politics of Transvestite Identity in Weimar Germany |
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