After the Null Subject Parameter: Acquisition of the Null-Overt Contrast in Spanish

In many so-called canonical null subject languages, null and overt subject pronouns have contrasting referential preferences: null subjects tend to maintain reference to the preceding subject while overt pronominal subjects do not. We propose that children acquire this contrast by initially restrict...

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Published inLanguage learning and development Vol. 18; no. 2; pp. 171 - 200
Main Authors Forsythe, Hannah, Greeson, Daniel, Schmitt, Cristina
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published Psychology Press 03.04.2022
Routledge
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ISSN1547-5441
1547-3341
DOI10.1080/15475441.2021.1941967

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Abstract In many so-called canonical null subject languages, null and overt subject pronouns have contrasting referential preferences: null subjects tend to maintain reference to the preceding subject while overt pronominal subjects do not. We propose that children acquire this contrast by initially restricting their attention to 1 st and 2 nd person pronouns, whose reference is simpler to infer compared to 3 rd person pronouns. We provide supporting evidence from spontaneous production and comprehension in Mexico City Spanish, showing that (i) the null/overt contrast is in principle acquirable from exclusively observing the referential preferences of 1 st and 2 nd person subject pronouns in caretaker speech; (ii) children themselves condition subject pronoun expression on pronoun reference in the 1 st and 2 nd persons before doing so in the 3 rd person; and (iii) children use the null/overt contrast in comprehension at a similar age when they begin making this distinction in production.
AbstractList In many so-called canonical null subject languages, null and overt subject pronouns have contrasting referential preferences: null subjects tend to maintain reference to the preceding subject while overt pronominal subjects do not. We propose that children acquire this contrast by initially restricting their attention to 1 st and 2 nd person pronouns, whose reference is simpler to infer compared to 3 rd person pronouns. We provide supporting evidence from spontaneous production and comprehension in Mexico City Spanish, showing that (i) the null/overt contrast is in principle acquirable from exclusively observing the referential preferences of 1 st and 2 nd person subject pronouns in caretaker speech; (ii) children themselves condition subject pronoun expression on pronoun reference in the 1 st and 2 nd persons before doing so in the 3 rd person; and (iii) children use the null/overt contrast in comprehension at a similar age when they begin making this distinction in production.
In many so-called canonical null subject languages, null and overt subject pronouns have contrasting referential preferences: null subjects tend to maintain reference to the preceding subject while overt pronominal subjects do not. We propose that children acquire this contrast by initially restricting their attention to 1st and 2nd person pronouns, whose reference is simpler to infer compared to 3rd person pronouns. We provide supporting evidence from spontaneous production and comprehension in Mexico City Spanish, showing that (i) the null/overt contrast is in principle acquirable from exclusively observing the referential preferences of 1st and 2nd person subject pronouns in caretaker speech; (ii) children themselves condition subject pronoun expression on pronoun reference in the 1st and 2nd persons before doing so in the 3rd person; and (iii) children use the null/overt contrast in comprehension at a similar age when they begin making this distinction in production.
Author Schmitt, Cristina
Forsythe, Hannah
Greeson, Daniel
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SubjectTerms Computational Linguistics
Foreign Countries
Form Classes (Languages)
Grammar
Language Acquisition
Language Variation
Low Income Groups
Mothers
Parent Child Relationship
Preferences
Preschool Children
Spanish
Title After the Null Subject Parameter: Acquisition of the Null-Overt Contrast in Spanish
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