Imagined Libya: geopolitics of the margins

Whether referring to the artificiality of its (post-)colonial construction or to the fragmentation of its sovereignty since 2011, the weakness of Libya’s statehood is a recurrent theme in policy and scholarly discourses. Scholars of history and international politics have expanded the framework to a...

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Published inL'année du Maghreb Vol. 28; pp. 109 - 124
Main Author Raineri, Luca
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published CNRS Éditions 2022
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Abstract Whether referring to the artificiality of its (post-)colonial construction or to the fragmentation of its sovereignty since 2011, the weakness of Libya’s statehood is a recurrent theme in policy and scholarly discourses. Scholars of history and international politics have expanded the framework to apprehend the processes of state (de/)formation underpinning Libya’s fragilities beyond the problematic “failed state” paradigm to accommodate longue-durée and multi-scalar perspectives. Building on these advances, yet noting the need for a more consistent use of social constructivist lenses, the article adopts the perspective of critical geopolitics to explore the spatial discourses and imaginaries, both domestic and imported, that across history have shaped “Libya”, as well as its internal constituents and its external environment, through processes of identification, othering and belonging. Given the diversity of uses – and abuses – connoting geopolitics and its critical variants, the first section of the article clarifies the meaning, relevance and methodology of the critical geopolitics approach herein employed. It is argued that Libya sits at the intersection of rival geopolitical imaginaries and competing spheres of influence that overlap and collide here. The subsequent sections analyze geopolitical discourses from different sources to offer a review of some important spatial imaginaries that have contributed to representing, constituting and apprehending Libya as a subject and an object of international politics: ancient geography’s environmentalism; Italy’s imperial colonialism; Gaddafi’s pan-Arabism and, later, pan-Africanism; and Turkey’s pan-Ottomanism. Before modern colonisation, the imaginary of (today’s) Libyan territory was long apprehended through the dichotomy between urban (hadari) and rural (badawi) spaces, with the political and normative centre of gravitation oscillating from the former (during the Arab and later Ottoman hegemony) to the latter (during the rise of the Sanussi order). During the Italian colonisation, Libya was subsumed in Italy’s Mediterranean projections, whether as a necessary “fourth shore” to Italy’s expansion in its “own” Lebensraum, or as a bridge welding Europe and Africa within a unitary geopolitical entity called Eurafrica. Gaddafi’s pan-Arabism and pan-Africanism combined short-term political opportunism with a more ambitious attempt to challenge (neo-)colonial geopolitical imaginaries about the country’s identity and belonging, and its related security priorities. Yet they both contributed to the abusive manipulation of domestic ethnic cleavages, the weaponization of (the research into) the country’s history, and the progressive de-legitimation of the regime. Today, Libya has acquired a prominent role in Turkey’s geopolitical imaginary. After more than a century of substantial disregard, the rise of a pan-Ottoman geopolitical repertoire in Turkey and the nationalistic emphasis on the redeeming of the vatan (homeland) provide the key for interpreting Turkey’s resurrecting interest in Libya, and the justification of its military intervention vis-à-vis Ankara’s domestic audiences. The exploration of these prominent geopolitical imaginaries on, by and about Libya highlights the tensions, intersections, and divergences underpinning different interpretations of the same territory. The enduring legacy of competing geopolitical imaginaries points to a plausible constitutive factor laying at the root of the polarisations and conflict dynamics that endanger the stability and survival of the Libyan state. Unearthing the competing geopolitical imaginaries on Libya can thus help illuminate the divergent approaches of the international actors intervening in the country, and those of their Libyan proxies struggling for recognition, be they Turkey’s allies, or Libya’s armed actors posturing as Europe’s gatekeepers in the contemporary iterations of the ambivalent geopolitical imaginary of Eurafrica. A critical geopolitics approach thus helps challenge the obsolete yet widespread view of Libya’s marginality in the international system, by unsettling reified spatial assumptions about the partition, position and constitution of Libya’s state. It is precisely Libya’s position at the periphery of rival geopolitical imaginaries and asserted spheres of influence that makes of it a crossroad of strategic vectors, a hotspot of collisions, and therefore a centre of concern.
AbstractList Whether referring to the artificiality of its (post-)colonial construction or to the fragmentation of its sovereignty since 2011, the weakness of Libya’s statehood is a recurrent theme in policy and scholarly discourses. Scholars of history and international politics have expanded the framework to apprehend the processes of state (de/)formation underpinning Libya’s fragilities beyond the problematic “failed state” paradigm to accommodate longue-durée and multi-scalar perspectives. Building on these advances, yet noting the need for a more consistent use of social constructivist lenses, the article adopts the perspective of critical geopolitics to explore the spatial discourses and imaginaries, both domestic and imported, that across history have shaped “Libya”, as well as its internal constituents and its external environment, through processes of identification, othering and belonging. Given the diversity of uses – and abuses – connoting geopolitics and its critical variants, the first section of the article clarifies the meaning, relevance and methodology of the critical geopolitics approach herein employed. It is argued that Libya sits at the intersection of rival geopolitical imaginaries and competing spheres of influence that overlap and collide here. The subsequent sections analyze geopolitical discourses from different sources to offer a review of some important spatial imaginaries that have contributed to representing, constituting and apprehending Libya as a subject and an object of international politics: ancient geography’s environmentalism; Italy’s imperial colonialism; Gaddafi’s pan-Arabism and, later, pan-Africanism; and Turkey’s pan-Ottomanism.Before modern colonisation, the imaginary of (today’s) Libyan territory was long apprehended through the dichotomy between urban (hadari) and rural (badawi) spaces, with the political and normative centre of gravitation oscillating from the former (during the Arab and later Ottoman hegemony) to the latter (during the rise of the Sanussi order). During the Italian colonisation, Libya was subsumed in Italy’s Mediterranean projections, whether as a necessary “fourth shore” to Italy’s expansion in its “own” Lebensraum, or as a bridge welding Europe and Africa within a unitary geopolitical entity called Eurafrica. Gaddafi’s pan-Arabism and pan-Africanism combined short-term political opportunism with a more ambitious attempt to challenge (neo-)colonial geopolitical imaginaries about the country’s identity and belonging, and its related security priorities. Yet they both contributed to the abusive manipulation of domestic ethnic cleavages, the weaponization of (the research into) the country’s history, and the progressive de-legitimation of the regime. Today, Libya has acquired a prominent role in Turkey’s geopolitical imaginary. After more than a century of substantial disregard, the rise of a pan-Ottoman geopolitical repertoire in Turkey and the nationalistic emphasis on the redeeming of the vatan (homeland) provide the key for interpreting Turkey’s resurrecting interest in Libya, and the justification of its military intervention vis-à-vis Ankara’s domestic audiences. The exploration of these prominent geopolitical imaginaries on, by and about Libya highlights the tensions, intersections, and divergences underpinning different interpretations of the same territory. The enduring legacy of competing geopolitical imaginaries points to a plausible constitutive factor laying at the root of the polarisations and conflict dynamics that endanger the stability and survival of the Libyan state. Unearthing the competing geopolitical imaginaries on Libya can thus help illuminate the divergent approaches of the international actors intervening in the country, and those of their Libyan proxies struggling for recognition, be they Turkey’s allies, or Libya’s armed actors posturing as Europe’s gatekeepers in the contemporary iterations of the ambivalent geopolitical imaginary of Eurafrica. A critical geopolitics approach thus helps challenge the obsolete yet widespread view of Libya’s marginality in the international system, by unsettling reified spatial assumptions about the partition, position and constitution of Libya’s state. It is precisely Libya’s position at the periphery of rival geopolitical imaginaries and asserted spheres of influence that makes of it a crossroad of strategic vectors, a hotspot of collisions, and therefore a centre of concern.
Whether referring to the artificiality of its (post-)colonial construction or to the fragmentation of its sovereignty since 2011, the weakness of Libya’s statehood is a recurrent theme in policy and scholarly discourses. Scholars of history and international politics have expanded the framework to apprehend the processes of state (de/)formation underpinning Libya’s fragilities beyond the problematic “failed state” paradigm to accommodate longue-durée and multi-scalar perspectives. Building on these advances, yet noting the need for a more consistent use of social constructivist lenses, the article adopts the perspective of critical geopolitics to explore the spatial discourses and imaginaries, both domestic and imported, that across history have shaped “Libya”, as well as its internal constituents and its external environment, through processes of identification, othering and belonging. Given the diversity of uses – and abuses – connoting geopolitics and its critical variants, the first section of the article clarifies the meaning, relevance and methodology of the critical geopolitics approach herein employed. It is argued that Libya sits at the intersection of rival geopolitical imaginaries and competing spheres of influence that overlap and collide here. The subsequent sections analyze geopolitical discourses from different sources to offer a review of some important spatial imaginaries that have contributed to representing, constituting and apprehending Libya as a subject and an object of international politics: ancient geography’s environmentalism; Italy’s imperial colonialism; Gaddafi’s pan-Arabism and, later, pan-Africanism; and Turkey’s pan-Ottomanism.Before modern colonisation, the imaginary of (today’s) Libyan territory was long apprehended through the dichotomy between urban (hadari) and rural (badawi) spaces, with the political and normative centre of gravitation oscillating from the former (during the Arab and later Ottoman hegemony) to the latter (during the rise of the Sanussi order). During the Italian colonisation, Libya was subsumed in Italy’s Mediterranean projections, whether as a necessary “fourth shore” to Italy’s expansion in its “own” Lebensraum, or as a bridge welding Europe and Africa within a unitary geopolitical entity called Eurafrica. Gaddafi’s pan-Arabism and pan-Africanism combined short-term political opportunism with a more ambitious attempt to challenge (neo-)colonial geopolitical imaginaries about the country’s identity and belonging, and its related security priorities. Yet they both contributed to the abusive manipulation of domestic ethnic cleavages, the weaponization of (the research into) the country’s history, and the progressive de-legitimation of the regime. Today, Libya has acquired a prominent role in Turkey’s geopolitical imaginary. After more than a century of substantial disregard, the rise of a pan-Ottoman geopolitical repertoire in Turkey and the nationalistic emphasis on the redeeming of the vatan (homeland) provide the key for interpreting Turkey’s resurrecting interest in Libya, and the justification of its military intervention vis-à-vis Ankara’s domestic audiences. The exploration of these prominent geopolitical imaginaries on, by and about Libya highlights the tensions, intersections, and divergences underpinning different interpretations of the same territory. The enduring legacy of competing geopolitical imaginaries points to a plausible constitutive factor laying at the root of the polarisations and conflict dynamics that endanger the stability and survival of the Libyan state. Unearthing the competing geopolitical imaginaries on Libya can thus help illuminate the divergent approaches of the international actors intervening in the country, and those of their Libyan proxies struggling for recognition, be they Turkey’s allies, or Libya’s armed actors posturing as Europe’s gatekeepers in the contemporary iterations of the ambivalent geopolitical imaginary of Eurafrica. A critical geopolitics approach thus helps challenge the obsolete yet widespread view of Libya’s marginality in the international system, by unsettling reified spatial assumptions about the partition, position and constitution of Libya’s state. It is precisely Libya’s position at the periphery of rival geopolitical imaginaries and asserted spheres of influence that makes of it a crossroad of strategic vectors, a hotspot of collisions, and therefore a centre of concern. Qu'il s'agisse de l'artificialité de sa construction (post-)coloniale ou de la fragmentation de sa souveraineté depuis 2011, la faiblesse de l'État libyen est un thème récurrent du discours politique et scientifique. Les recherches en histoire et politique internationale ont élargi le cadre d’analyse du processus de (dé)formation de l'État (qui sous-tend les fragilités de la Libye contemporaine) au-delà du paradigme problématique de l' « État défaillant », afin d'intégrer des perspectives multi-scalaires et de longue durée. L’article s’appuie sur ces avancées théoriques mais constate également la nécessité d’un emploi plus cohérent de l’approche socio-constructiviste. Il adopte dès lors la perspective de la géopolitique critique pour explorer les discours et les imaginaires spatiaux, tant nationaux qu'importés, qui ont façonné la « Libye », dans ses composantes internes et son environnement externe, à travers les processus historiques de construction d’identités, altérités et appartenances. Puisque la notion de géopolitique et ses variantes critiques sont utilisées – parfois abusivement – de façon très diverses, la première section de l'article tâche de clarifier le sens, la pertinence et la méthodologie de l'approche de géopolitique critique employée. On avance l’idée que la Libye se trouve à l'intersection d'imaginaires géopolitiques rivaux et de sphères d'influence concurrentes qui se chevauchent et se heurtent. Les sections suivantes de l’article analysent les discours géopolitiques issus de différentes sources afin de passer en revue certains imaginaires spatiaux importants qui ont contribué à représenter, constituer et appréhender la Libye en tant que sujet et objet de la politique internationale : l'environnementalisme de la géographie ancienne ; le colonialisme impérial de l'Italie ; le panarabisme et, plus tard, le panafricanisme de Kadhafi ; et le pan-Ottomanisme turc.Avant la colonisation moderne, l'imaginaire du territoire libyen a longtemps été appréhendé à travers la dichotomie entre espaces urbains (hadari) et ruraux (badawi), dont le centre de gravité politique et normatif oscillait des premiers (pendant l'hégémonie arabe puis ottomane) aux seconds (lors de la montée des Sanussi). Pendant la colonisation italienne, la Libye a été subsumée dans les projections méditerranéennes de l'Italie, aussi bien comme « quatrième rive » nécessaire à l'expansion italienne dans son « propre » Lebensraum, qu’en tant que lien connectant l'Europe et l'Afrique au sein d'une entité géopolitique unitaire appelée Eurafrique. Le panarabisme et le panafricanisme de Kadhafi combinaient un opportunisme politique à court terme avec une tentative plus ambitieuse de remettre en question les imaginaires géopolitiques coloniaux et néocoloniaux concernant l'identité et l'appartenance du pays, ainsi que les priorités de sécurité qui en découlent. Pourtant, ils ont tous deux contribué à la manipulation des clivages ethniques, à l’instrumentalisation (de la recherche) de l’histoire du pays, et finalement à la progressive perte de légitimité du régime. Aujourd'hui, la Libye a acquis un rôle de premier plan dans l'imaginaire géopolitique de la Turquie. Après plus d'un siècle d'indifférence, l'émergence d'un répertoire géopolitique pan-Ottoman en Turquie et l'accent nationaliste mis sur la rédemption du vatan (la patrie) permettent d’interpréter le regain d'intérêt turc pour la Libye et la justification de son intervention militaire. L'exploration de ces imaginaires géopolitiques importants à propos de la Libye met en lumière les tensions, les intersections et les divergences qui sous-tendent les interprétations d'un même territoire. L'héritage durable de ces imaginaires géopolitiques concurrents se révèle comme un facteur constitutif plausible à l'origine des polarisations et des conflits qui mettent en danger la stabilité et la survie de l'État libyen. La mise au jour d’imaginaires géopolitiques concurrents peut donc contribuer à éclairer les approches divergentes des acteurs internationaux qui interviennent dans le pays, et celles de leurs alliés libyens qui luttent pour être reconnus, y compris les alliés de la Turquie ou les acteurs libyens qui se posent en gardiens des portes de l'Europe dans les itérations contemporaines de l'imaginaire géopolitique ambivalent de l'Eurafrique. Une approche de géopolitique critique permet ainsi de remettre en question la vision obsolète et pourtant répandue de la marginalité de la Libye dans le système international, montrant qu’elle se fonde sur des idées reçues et réifiées de la partition, la position et la constitution de l'État libyen. Au contraire, c’est précisément la position de la Libye à la périphérie des imaginaires géopolitiques rivaux et des sphères d'influence concurrents qui en fait un confluent de vecteurs stratégiques et donc un centre de préoccupation. سواء أشرنا إلى سطحية بنائها الاستعماري (وما بعد الاستعمار) أم إلى تجزئة سيادتها منذ عام 2011، فإن ضعف الدولة الليبية هو موضوع متكرر في الخطابات السياسية والأكاديمية. لقد قام علماء التاريخ والسياسة الدولية بتوسيع إطار العمل لفهم عمليات تشكيل الدولة (وتشويه) التي تدعم هشاشة ليبيا بما يتجاوز النموذج الإشكالي «للدولة الفاشلة» لاستيعاب وجهات النظر الطويلة الأمد والمتعددة الأبعاد. بناءً على هذه التطورات وإشارةً إلى الحاجة إلى استخدامٍ أكثر تماسكاً للعدسات البنائية الاجتماعية فإن المقالة تتبنَّى منظور الجغرافيا السياسية النقدية لاستكشاف الخطابات والتخيلات المكانية، المحلية والمستوردة على حد سواء، والتي شكَّلَت عبر التاريخ «ليبيا» وكذلك مكوناتها الدا
Author Raineri, Luca
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Keywords critical geopolitics
Libye
constructivisme social
géopolitique critique
spatial imaginary
social constructivism
imaginaires spatiaux
Libya
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SubjectTerms critical geopolitics
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Title Imagined Libya: geopolitics of the margins
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